Bihar Polls: Elections That Will Change the Course Of Indian Politics | NewsClick
15 Sunday Nov 2015
Posted in Current Affairs, Politics
15 Sunday Nov 2015
Posted in Current Affairs, Politics
15 Sunday Nov 2015
Posted in Current Affairs, Left politics
15 Sunday Nov 2015
Posted in Current Affairs, Left politics
14 Saturday Nov 2015
Posted in International, Left politics
For Fernando Haddad, mayor of the biggest city in the southern hemisphere, a Smart City is all about better public services, democratic space and inclusive growth, even if it comes at the cost of re-election
Source: Simply Sao Paulo: How a ‘Communist’ Mayor is Making a City Smart for its People | The Wire
14 Saturday Nov 2015
Posted in Current Affairs, International, Left politics
Statement of the Central Committee of the PCP, of November 8, 2015
The PCP’s Central Committee, meeting in the November 8, 2015, examined the developments of the resulting policy framework of the 4 October elections and economic and social situation that the workers and the people are confronted; identified the development of the mass struggle as a central element to ensure rising living standards and emphasized the strategic importance of strengthening implementation of the Party lines, its connection with the masses and immediate political tasks, including the presidential elections
I
The Central Committee denounces the deplorable attitude of the President who took over as representative of the PSD and CDS-PP and representative of the interests of big business deciding, in defiance of the hearing to the parties in parliament supported the inference, the nomination of PSD leader as prime minister.
The intervention Cavaco Silva is another example of the assumed confrontation with the Portuguese Constitution that has characterized his political career and his presidential mandates, undermining the foundations of democracy and exposing the country to an attitude of humiliating foreign subservience.
The intervention Cavaco Silva is associated with the development of a brutal ideological offensive last month, from various players and taking various forms, placed at the center of its action the attack on the CFP and the use of blackmail, to fear, lies and demagoguery.
The Central Committee does not recognize the Cavaco Silva nor political legitimacy or democratic dimension to elaborate about the role and the way the CFP as unavoidable Party in the establishment of democratic rule in Portuguese democracy and national political life and condemns their attitude support for a government and a policy that both trail of destruction has left the country.
What is the current situation reveals the real unemployment reaching over one million one hundred thousand Portuguese; that the new contracts of employment, 80% are poor; the harsh reality of workers for others and in particular the 20% who earn a salary less than the national minimum wage; the overwhelming majority of reforms to lower poverty line; cutting, according to the data of budget implementation, in expenditure on social benefits of EUR 520 million in the first nine months of 2015; the two million eight hundred thousand Portuguese at risk of poverty, according to INE data; the high degree of weakening of the productive apparatus and increasing dominance of strategic decision centers by foreign; a six production breaks and a half percentage points that neither in 2017 will be restored; a fall in global investment of 30% and 50% in public investment with heavy and serious future consequences; the unsustainable public debt; the huge scam the promised return of 35.3% of the IRS surcharge and the prospect of new and substantial support to the bank.
The Central Committee denounced also the illegitimate and abusive decision of limited government to the current management to involve the state as a guarantor of debts that may result from ruinous delivery process of TAP to big business. It should also be noted as promiscuity level developer with monopoly capital that the former Secretary of State for Transport, who led the concession and privatization processes of companies in this sector have now been hired by the Bank of Portugal to drive the delivery of the New Bank.
Ignoring the serious structural problems of the country that continue insisting on the misconception that their policy has led to an economic recovery path, repeating empty proclamations regarding solving social problems such as unemployment or poverty and seeking to evade the reality of growing difficulties that reach workers and the people, that the government PSD / CDS-PP presents is the prospect of continuing and intensifying the policy that worsened the exploitation and impoverishment, deepened injustice and inequality and imposed the degradation of democracy.
PSD and CDS-PP still seek to redeem themselves themselves from electoral defeat they suffered integrating in the Government Programme measures and promises aimed at creating the illusion that now would be able and willing to reverse the direction of its policy by reversing some of the decisions that hit the workers and the people over the past four years.
However, confirming the objective of PSD and CDS-PP continue their policy of exploitation and impoverishment, the Government Programme confirms the many compelling reasons for the Government PSD / CDS-PP does not come into functions, not only for losses It has caused but also by those who wanted to continue to cause the workers, the people and the country.
The Central Committee of PCP reaffirms the decision to file a motion rejecting the Government Programme PSD / CDS-PP.
5.The Central Committee of the PCP stresses the importance of the new balance of power in parliament and the potential that can act to address the most urgent problems affecting the workers and peoples. The Central Committee emphasizes that there is no maneuvers they can dodge the heavy defeat of the PSD and CDS-PP, the good result obtained by the CDU and the affirmation of the role and initiative of the Portuguese Communist Party which was confirmed as an irreplaceable force for present and future of the country.
II
The effort made from the PSD / CDS-PP coalition, the set of commentators at your service and the mainstream media, to present as winners defeated in elections, succumbed to the initiative of the CFP that since 4 October, stressed that PSD and CDS-PP were unable to alone, pursue the resulting national disaster policy of your government action over the past four years. Initiative also revealed and in all its dimensions, which the PCP said in response to that reduced the election to a false contention for Prime Minister for the political party or government, ie: what truly decide on elections for the National Assembly is the number of seats that each political force elected, parliamentary majorities that are formed in the National Assembly, the institutional base that is created to support a particular policy and the government can take office.
The PCP took the initiative and pointed out the need to extract political and institutional consequences of the election results. The sentence imposed on the coalition PSD / CDS-PP was not only a defeat of his government, was also its policy. This change was the requirement of expression of national political life that the PCP said. It was, and is, the expectation of a policy able to ensure economic development, return stolen income and rights, valuing salaries and pensions, promote employment and combat injustice, restore the full right to health and education, ensuring sound social security and higher levels of social protection, ensure quality public services, workers and the people they aspire to see realized.
The new political and institutional reality arising from the elections and the desire for change expressed by the people put it, and puts the requirement and responsibility to ensure the interruption of the path pursued by the previous government. It is this responsibility that is imposed materialize.
But also as the PCP said, this does not preclude that, in the face of a new political and institutional framework, the CFP does not spare efforts, responding to the interests of workers and the people and honoring their commitments, work and struggle to answer it . That’s what serious and committed the PCP did.
According to the decisions of the Central Committee of 6 October which states that “both the pretensions of Cavaco Silva, whether those of Passos Coelho and Paulo Portas, will only be realized if the PS is willing to facilitate and to be supporting force a new government PSD / CDS-PP “and that in the framework of the Portuguese Constitution, the PS just no way government does not want, as well as the Declaration of 7 October, the PCP examined in recent weeks political solutions corresponding to situation.
The approach and mutual assessment between the PS and the PCP identified a number of matters where it is possible to ensure a convergent action to address some of the immediate problems of the workers and the Portuguese people. The real possibility is open to, among others, to take steps in return for wages and incomes, to replenish the pension supplement of the state of the business sector workers, to value wages and halt the continued degradation of pensions, to repay part of the benefits subject to the means test, to reset the holidays taken, to ensure better access to the rights to health and education, to reverse the concession and privatization processes of land transport companies.
However, the work also confirmed that convergence around a government and a government program, as recognized by both parties, includes a requirement level as the decisive choices of national policy are not met, taking into account the recognized and proven divergent view either on the external constraints and in terms of addressing the interests of big business.
The degree of convergence checked should be reflected in the degree of commitment that matches you. Enhancing the level of convergence, the Central Committee of the PCP reaffirms that are however created the conditions for, in the current circumstances, ensure governance solution that prevents PSD and CDS-PP pursue the country’s destruction policy and contribute to curb onerous aspects in meaning of reversing the path taken so far. There in the new parliamentary matters a majority of MPs constituting condition enough for the formation of a PS initiative of government, which allows the presentation of their program, their duties and the adoption of a policy to ensure a lasting solution in perspective the legislature.
Carry out an evaluation of the work done with the PS and checking the degree of achieved convergence and the level of commitment that you can match the Central Committee of the PCP confirmed the terms of the “Joint Position of PS and PCP on political solution” sent the PS and also been approved by the PS, will eventually have its formalization and public presentation. They are well met by the CFP the conditions to consummate the defeat of the government PSD / CDS-PP and enable the formation of a government of the PS initiative.
Nothing can evade that exists in Parliament an institutional base that will go as far as is the willingness of each political force that makes up to support the way of replacement wages and income, the return of rights, access to health strengthening , education and social security, in supporting micro, small and medium enterprises, pensioners, young people and that can enable the implementation of a set of measures and solutions that address immediate interests of workers and the people.
It is this objective that the workers and the people, democrats and patriots, as all want to ensure the right to a Portugal with a future will continue to take in hand with its intervention and their struggle.
III
In the current situation deserves particular attention, following a more than two-year struggle that, resisting the interference of the government PSD / CDS-PP, secured the fixing of 35 hours of work in most local authorities, now recognized by the decision the Constitutional Court and with the publication of the Collective Agreements Entity Public Employer (ACEEP). A great victory for workers pointing to the possibility of replenishment of 35 hours of work for all workers in public administration. They are still to highlight the achievements of the struggle of teachers for the purpose of evaluation test of knowledge and skills, as well as the progress made in the fight developed in various sectors and companies.
The development of vindictive action and struggle of workers and peoples, and the strengthening of organizations and unit mass movements is a task of utmost importance. In time near is particularly important concentration convened by the CGTP-IN for the next day November 10, next to the Parliament, in order to consummate the coalition’s defeat PSD / CDS-PP, complaining answers to the demands of the workers and affirm the need a policy that promotes economic development to workers’ service, the people and the country.
Fulfilling the commitment to workers and the people, the PCP has submitted to the Parliament a set of legislative initiatives for the recovery of cut rights and the reversal of steps taken by PSD / CDS-PP.
The first set of initiatives – proposing the replacement of the 35-hour working week in the Public Administration, the replacement of holidays taken, replacement of the payment of pension supplements in the State Business Sector companies and the repeal of coercive measures and conditioning on women access to abortion – followed by those relating to the cancellation and reversal of mergers, restructuring and sub-granting companies Carris and Lisbon Metro, the privatization of EGF and CP-load, the merger of REFER to the Estradas de Portugal, as well as the sub STCP and Metro do Porto. The initiative in the National Assembly will continue, reflecting the combined commitments of the CFP with the workers and the Portuguese people.
The applications framework already now known and the development of pre-campaign confirms the correctness of PCP’s decision to present the candidacy of Edgar Silva, proves the distinct nature and positioning of this, and clearly shows its essential and irreplaceable role in this political battle .
An application that since its announcement, collecting a growing current support and revealing a significant participation and enlargement, says a sense of confidence in the possibilities of the country and in the strength and capabilities of the people to build another direction in national politics.
The Central Committee calls on the mobilization of the whole Party to the achievement of the necessary tasks related to the presidential elections, as well as the intensification of contact action and enlightenment, a framework in which each support is the best contribution to a strong vote in Application Edgar Silva. A truly coherent and combative application, committed to the interests of workers and the people, linked to the values of April and the Constitution of the Republic, an application that does not give up Portugal and hit by a developed country, fair and sovereign.
IV
The current situation demonstrates the role and initiative of the Portuguese Communist Party, its unwavering commitment to the workers and the inseparable people of his communist identity, the need for its strengthening, the articulation of immediate intervention with the struggle for a patriotic alternative left, for an advanced democracy, socialism and communism.
13 Friday Nov 2015
Posted in Current Affairs, Left politics, Opinion, Social Inclusion
రామునితో కపివరుండిట్లనియె అని రాయ మంటే ఒక విద్యార్ధి రామునితోక పివరుండిట్లనియె అని రాశాడట. జీవితాంతం హిందూత్వకు వ్యతిరేకంగా పోరాడిన బిర్ అంబేద్కర్ను పక్కా హిందూవాదిగా చిత్రించేందుకు ప్రయత్నిస్తున్న కాషాయ దళాలు ఆయనను స్వేచ్ఛా మార్కెట్ సమర్ధకునిగా కూడా చెప్పటమంటే ఇదే. స్వదేశీ వుద్యమకారులుగా స్వాతంత్య్ర వుద్యమంలో తమకు లేని చరిత్రను సృష్టించుకొనేందుకు స్వదేశీ జాగరణ మంచ్ పేరుతో వారు ఒక సంస్ధను ఏర్పాటు చేశారు. ఇప్పుడు వారు మనకు కలికానికి కూడా దొరకరు. ఎందుకంటే నరేంద్రమోడీ విదేశీ ప్రధానిగా మారిపోయి విదేశీ కంపెనీలకు తలుపులు బార్లా తెరుస్తున్నపుడు స్వదేశీ గురించి మాట్లాడటమంటే పిల్లిని చంకనపెట్టుకు పోయినట్లే కనుక సంఘపరివార్ జాగరణ మంచ్ను సుదీర్ఘ నిద్రావస్ధలోకి పంపింది. చిల్లర వర్తకంలో బహుళ బ్రాండ్ల విక్రయానికి విదేశీ పెట్టుబడులను 51శాతం వరకు అనుమతించాలన్న యుపిఏ ప్రభుత్వ ప్రతిపాదనపై బిజెపి సభ్యులు పార్లమెంట్లో నానాయాగీ చేశారు. ఇది జాతీయ ప్రయోజనాలకు వ్యతిరేకమని బిజెపి సీనియర్ నేత మురళీ మనోహరజోషి సుద్దులు చెప్పారు. చిల్లర వర్తకంలో ప్రజాస్వామ్యాన్ని తాము ఆహ్వానిస్తాంగాని నియంతృత్వాన్ని కాదంటూ వాల్మార్ట్ వంటి సంస్ధల అక్రమాల గురించి విమర్శించారు. అదే పెద్దలు గతేడాది తాము అధికారంలోకి రాగానే దానిని ఆమోదించి అమలు జరపటమేగాక, మరిన్ని రంగాలలో మరింతగా విదేశీ పెట్టుబడులను అనుమతించేందుకు పూనుకున్నారు.
మనదేశంలోకి వంద డాలర్లు విదేశీ పెట్టుబడులు వస్తే ఎనిమిది వందల డాలర్లు రాయల్టీ, కన్సల్టెన్సీ,ప్రొఫెషన్ ఛార్జీలు తదితరాల పేరుతో మన దేశం నుంచి విదేశాలకు తరలుతున్నట్లు 2011-12 సంవత్సర ఎఫ్డిఐ తీరుతెన్నుల గురించిన అధ్యయనాలు వెల్లడించాయని ఆర్ఎస్ఎస్ అనుబంధ సంస్ధ భారతీయ మజ్దూర్ సంఘ్ ప్రధాన కార్యదర్శి విర్జేష్ వుపాధ్యాయ చెప్పారు. తాజాగా నరేంద్రమోడీ సర్కార్ ఎఫ్డిఐ నిబంధనలను మరింత సరళతరం చేయటాన్ని విమర్శిస్తూ వ్యాఖ్యానించారు.( హిందూ నవంబరు 13 సంచిక) ప్రభుత్వం దీనిపై శ్వేతపత్రం వెలువరించాలని కూడా ఆయన డిమాండ్ చేశారు. దేశీయంగా కొనుగోలు శక్తి పెరగకుండా విదేశీ పెట్టుబడులతో ఆర్ధిక వ్యవస్ద వేగంగా పెరగదని కూడా చెప్పారు.ఇదే స్వేఛ్చామార్కెట్ లక్షణం.
ఇలాంటి స్వేచ్ఛా మార్కెట్ (నరేంద్రమోడీ వుత్సాహంగా అమలు జరుపుతున్న) విధానాలను వంద సంవత్సరాల క్రితమే అంబేద్కర్ సమర్ధించారని చెప్పటం కాషాయ మేధావులకే చెల్లింది. అంబేద్కర్ కాలంలో అసలు ఈ విధానాల గురించిన చర్చే లేదు, మిశ్రమ ఆర్ధిక వ్యవస్ధ లేదా సోషలిస్టు, పెట్టుబడిదారీ ఆర్ధిక వ్యవస్ధల గురించి ప్రధానంగా చర్చలు జరిగేవి. అంబేద్కర్ విషయానికి వస్తే దళిత జనోద్ధారకుడిగానే ప్రపంచానికి తెలుసు. ఎందుకంటే ఆయన జీవితాంతం దళితులను అణచివేసిన హిందూత్వ, కుల వ్యవస్ధలకు వ్యతిరేకంగా, దళితుల వుద్దరణ పైనే కేంద్రీకరించిన విషయం తెలిసిందే. అయితే అంబేద్కర్ ముంబై విశ్వవిద్యాలయంలో రాజనీతి, ఆర్ధశాస్త్రాలను, తరువాత అమెరికాలోని కొలంబియా విశ్వవిద్యాలయంలో న్యాయ శాస్త్రం, ఆర్ధిక శాస్త్రంలో పిహెచ్డి పొందారు. విద్యార్ధిగా రాసిన కొన్ని వ్యాసాలు, వాటిలో వెలిబుచ్చిన కొన్ని అభిప్రాయాలను తీసుకొని స్వేచ్చా మార్కెట్ను సమర్ధించిన ఆర్ధికవేత్తగా అంబేద్కర్కు ఆపాదించటం అన్యాయం. ఆ రచనలు తప్ప తరువాత కాలంలో పరిపూర్ణుడైన అంబేద్కర్ అభిప్రాయాలు, ఆచరణను పరిగణనలోకి తీసుకోకపోగా దళిత వుద్యమ నాయకులు అంబేద్కర్ను వక్రీకరించారని ఎదురుదాడి చేస్తున్నారు.ఆయన ఆర్ధశాస్త్రంతో పాటు న్యాయశాస్త్ర పట్టాకూడా పొందారు. విద్యార్ధి దశముగిసిన తరువాత అర్ధశాస్త్ర ప్రొఫెసర్గా ఇతర వుద్యోగాలు చేశారు.1926లో ముంబైలో న్యాయవాదిగా ప్రాక్టీస్ ప్రారంభించారు. తరువాత ఒక ఏడాది కాలంలోనే దళితులను సమీకరించాలని నిర్ణయించుకొని కార్యరంగంలోకి దూకారు. తరువాత రెండు సంవత్సరాలు బొంబాయి న్యాయ కళాశాల ప్రిన్సిపల్గా కూడా పని చేశారు.ఆయన రాజకీయవేత్తగా, రాజ్యాంగ నిర్మాతగా , దేశ తొలి న్యాయశాఖ మంత్రిగా తప్ప ఆర్ధికవేత్తగా పోషించిన పాత్ర చాలా తక్కువ.
రాజకీయరంగంలోకి ప్రవేశించిన తరువాత 1936లో అంబేద్కర్ ఇండిపెండెంట్ లేబర్ పార్టీని ఏర్పాటు చేశారు. ఆర్ధిక రంగంలో ఆయన అభిప్రాయాలు దేనికి ప్రాతినిధ్యం వహించాయో ఆ పార్టీ లక్ష్యాలు, ఆశయాలు వెల్లడించాయి. ప్రభుత్వ పారిశ్రామికీకరణకు అగ్రప్రాధాన్యత, కార్మికుల హక్కుల పరిరక్షణకు గట్టి కార్మిక చట్టాలు, గిట్టుబాటు వేతనాల చెల్లింపునకు చట్టాలు చేయటం, గరిష్ట పనిగంటల నిర్ణయం, వేతనంతో కూడిన సెలవులు, హేతుబద్దమైన ధరలకు గృహవసతి కల్పన, జాగీర్దారీ వ్యవస్ధ రద్దు,సాంకేతిక విద్యా సౌకర్యాల మెరుగుదలకు విస్తృత కార్యక్రమాలు చేపట్టటం, పరిశ్రమలలో మంచి వుద్యోగాలలో దళితులకు అవకాశాలు కల్పించాలని అది కోరింది.
ప్రపంచంలో తీవ్ర ఆర్ధిక సంక్షోభం సంభవించి పెట్టుబడిదారీ దేశాలన్నీ అతలాకుతలం అయిన దశ, సంక్షోభ ప్రభావం లేకుండా సోవియట్లో సోషలిజం పురోగమిస్తున్న రోజులలో అంబేద్కర్ లేబర్ పార్టీని స్ధాపించారు.సమసమాజ స్ధాపనకు అనుకూలమైనా అది కమ్యూనిస్టుల మాదిరిగా వుండకూడదని చెప్పారు. కమ్యూనిస్టుల పద్దతులతో ఆయన ఏకీభవించనప్పటికీ సోవియట్ సంక్షేమ చర్యలకు ప్రతిబింబమే లేబర్ పార్టీ ఆశయాలు, లక్ష్యాలుగా వుండటాన్ని బట్టి సోవియట్ ప్రభావం ఆయనపై లేదని ఎలా చెప్పగలం. కమ్యూనిస్టు పద్దతులలో బుద్దుని మాదిరి సమసమాజాన్ని స్ధాపించాలని తరువాత కాలంలో ఆయన నమ్మిన విషయం తెలిసిందే.
‘దళిత్స్ అండ్ ఎకనమిక్ పాలసీ: కంట్రిబ్యూషన్స్ ఆఫ్ బిఆర్ అంబేద్కర్’ అనే తన గ్రంధంలో రచయిత గెయిల్ ఓంవెడిట్ ఇలా పేర్కొన్నారు.’అర్ధశాస్త్రంలో పిహెచ్డి డిగ్రీ వున్నప్పటికీ అంబేద్కర్ కారల్ మార్క్స్ కంటే ఎక్కువగా ప్రాధమికంగా ఒక రాజకీయ కార్యకర్త. ఆయన కాలంలో సంభవించిన గందరగోళాలలో మునిగి పోయిన కారణంగా లోతైన ఆర్ధిక పరిశోధనకు ఆయనకు పెద్దగా సమయం లేదు. స్థూలంగా మూడు దశలలో ఆయన ఆర్ధిక ఆలోచన ప్రతిబింబిస్తుంది. మొదటిది 1920దశకంలో (ప్రత్యేకించి రూపాయి సమస్య మరియు బ్రిటీష్ ఇండియాలో స్ధానిక ఆర్ధికం అభివృద్ది గురించి) ఆయన రచనలు ఎక్కువగా పుస్తక జ్ఞానమాత్రంగా(మోర్ అకడమిక్) వున్నాయి.అవి బలమైన సామ్రాజ్యవాద వ్యతిరేక విశ్లేషణలను అందించాయి కానీ బాగా చెప్పాలంటే బ్రిటీష్ పాలన గురించి సనాతన వుదార ఆర్ధిక అంచనాలుగానే వున్నాయి. రెండవది 1930,40 దశకానికి చెందినవి, సామాజిక, జాతీయ వుద్యమాల కాలమది, ఆర్ధిక రంగంలో ఆయన సాంప్రదాయక మార్క్సిజంతో ప్రభావితుడయ్యాడు. ఆ కాలంలో రాజ్య సోషలిజం అన్న నినాదం తారాస్థాయిలో వున్నది. ఈ కాలంలో అంబేద్కర్ ద్వంద్వ వ్యవస్ధల వైఖరితో పరిశీలించారు.దానిలో దోపిడీ విషయంలో బ్రాహ్మణిజం మరియు పెట్టుబడిదారీ విధానాలు సమాంతరమైనవిగా ఆయన చూశారు. మూడవది ఆయన జీవిత చరమాంకంలోనిది. కులం, హిందూయిజం, బుద్ధిజంపై ఆయన చారిత్రక పరిశోధనల ద్వారా బౌద్ధ తత్వ శాస్త్రంలో పూర్తి ప్రత్యామ్నాయాన్ని కోరుకున్నారు.’
కాషాయ దళాలు చెబుతున్నట్లు స్వేచ్ఛా మార్కెట్ ఆర్ధిక వ్యవస్ధ లేదా నయా వుదారవాదం, ప్రపంచీకరణను సమర్ధించిన 20వ శతాబ్దపు తొలి భారతీయ ఆర్ధికవేత్తగా అంబేద్కర్ను చూడటమంటే అంతకంటే దారుణం మరొకటి వుండదు. అంబేద్కర్ హయాంలో దేశంలో ప్రయివేటు రంగంలోనే పరిశ్రమలు వున్నాయి తప్ప బ్రిటీష్ సర్కార్ పరిశ్రమలను నెలకొల్పలేదు. నాటి ఆర్ధిక వ్యవస్ధలో దళితులను వున్నత స్ధానాలలోకి రానివ్వనిది ప్రయివేటు ఆర్ధిక వ్యవస్ధతప్ప మరొకటి కాదు. అందువలన అలాంటి వివక్షా పూరిత వ్యవస్ధను మాత్రమే అంబేద్కర్ అభిమానించాడని, ప్రభుత్వరంగం లేదా సోషలిజాలను వ్యతిరేకించాడని కాషాయ దళాలు చెప్పటం ఆయనను అవమానించటమే. వర్తమాన స్వేచ్ఛా మార్కెట్ విధానాల వలన ప్రభుత్వరంగం అంతరించి ప్రయివేటు రంగం పెరిగి పోతున్నది. దళితులు, గిరిజనులు, వెనుకబడిన తరగతులను ఈ విధానాలు తొలిదెబ్బతీశాయి. ప్రభుత్వ వుద్యోగాలు, ప్రభుత్వరంగం తగ్గిపోవటమంటే ఆ తరగతులకు వున్న రిజర్వేషన్లు తగ్గిపోవటమే. ఈ కారణంగానే ప్రయివేటు రంగంలో కూడా రిజర్వేషన్లు అమలు జరపాలనే డిమాండ్ ముందుకు వచ్చింది. అందువలన నిజంగా ఈ రోజు అంబేద్కర్ బతికి వుంటే ఈ డిమాండ్కు సంపూర్ణ మద్దతు ఇస్తున్న కమ్యూనిస్టులతో భుజం భుజం కలిపి పోరాటాలలోకి వచ్చి వుండేవారనటం అతిశయోక్తికాదేమో !
13 Friday Nov 2015
Posted in CPI(M), Current Affairs, Economics, Left politics
The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) strongly condemns the announcement by the Prime Minister easing the regulations for Foreign Direct Investments in our country. 15 areas, including single brand retail, banking, construction, media, airlines, defence, banking, plantations etc., are to be opened up for approval under the automatic route. 32 new investment points will now allow FDI automatically. The cap for approval of foreign investments has been raised to Rs. 5,000 crore from the existing Rs. 3,000 crores. The increase in the FDI to 49 per cent for news channels and radio is particularly harmful as it will facilitate near complete control of the news media by foreign media monopolies.
All these decisions have been taken on the eve of the winter session of the Parliament. Worse they have been taken even without the Cabinet approval. This is a complete travesty of our system of parliamentary democracy. The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) condemns such unilateral decisions by the PM.
Clearly, these announcements have come on the eve of Prime Minister Modi’s yet another programme of foreign tours to London, G-20, Malaysia and Singapore. PM Modi made these announcements with an aim to appease foreign capital. Thus both India’s markets and resources are being opened up further for the maximization of profits for foreign capital.
This license to loot comes at a time when the majority of the Indian people continue to groan under newer economic burdens. Price rise of essential commodities continues unabated. The agrarian distress is deepening. The increases in the minimum support prices are so meagre that they do not even cover the production costs. This is accelerating the distress suicides of our farmers.
The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) calls upon PM Modi and his government to focus attention on providing relief to the vast majority of our Indian people as promised during the 2014 election campaign.
13 Friday Nov 2015
Posted in Current Affairs, International, Left politics
By Diego Gonzalez, Julia Muriel Dominzain
For the first time in Argentine history there will be a run-off election for President. The ruling party candidate Daniel Scioli and the opposition leader Mauricio Macri will face off on Nov. 22 after receiving 36.8% and 34.3%, respectively in the Oct. 25 first round.
The results surprised the candidates, the voters, the military, and the bureaucrats, and discredited the pollsters. And if the tight race was unexpected, the victory of the Macrista candidate in Buenos Aires Province was a bombshell. María Eugenia Vidal will be the next governor of the country’s most heavily populated region, with some 37% of the electorate. For the first time in 28 years, the province will now be governed by someone who does not belong to the Justicialista Party.
Debate has flared in a country that, until Sunday evening, assumed that Scioli would win, and that it was just a question of when–whether in the first or second round. The big issue, at this point, involves the 21% who voted for the third-place candidate, Sergio Massa, also a Peronist and former government official, and now a staunch member of the opposition who insists on the need for “change.”
Candidates Responses
Sunday night in Scioli headquarters the news of the discouraging numbers arrived like an unwelcome visitor. Supporters were singing with their heads bowed, looking at their mobile phones. The stage was empty, the remixed cumbia blared at an intolerable volume and was superimposed on the sound of the bass drums and the sporadic efforts of the organizations to sing a complete song.
At about 10 p.m., much earlier than anticipated, the candidate stepped out onto the stage at Luna Park and gave a speech that confirmed that the campaign was continuing: “There are at play two very different visions of Argentina’s present and future. Our priorities are the humble people, the workers, and our middle class. To those who voted in favor of a different proposal, I appeal especially to you, because for an Argentine there is nothing like another Argentine, and I believe, like Perón, that united we will all triumph.”
Near midnight the Minister of Justice Julio Alak announced the first official numbers. At that moment, with 60% of the votes counted, Macri led Scioli by almost two points. Although in the course of the evening the numbers flipped, the effect was immediate: the headquarters emptied out as if someone had pulled the fire alarm.
In the press room, the stress reached peak levels. Within a few minutes, on the mythical premises where Perón and Evita met in 1944, all warmth was drained.
“Now we go back to eating polenta and drinking bad wine,” one man shouted. Meanwhile, at Costa Salguero, the Cambiemos (Let’s Change) Party started the frenzy that went on for days. Balloons, dance steps, emotional speeches, generic words: “Let’s change,” “for change,” “to change.”
Macri’s Republican Proposal (PRO) is a young party of right-leaning business interests that was spawned by conservative thinktanks after the crisis of 2001 and grew in strength in the city of Buenos Aires. This is the first time it has gotten involved in elections.
Its campaign centers around the idea of “change.” In the Let’s Change Party, the PRO joined ranks with the Radical Civic Union and diverse Peronist sectors. The party proposed a new aesthetics, and presented itself as “the new”.
But by mid-2015 it made a discursive swerve and began to say it would guarantee continuation of many of the Kirchner measures it had previously opposed–universal Allocation per Child (unemployment insurance) and refraining from re-privatizing Aerolíneas Argentinas. It even erected a monument for Juan Domingo Perón.
Perhaps the biggest news has been that the new governor, Vidal, a technical staffer formed at the Catholic University of Argentina, won in the province over Cristina Fernández de Kirchner’s current Chief of Staff, Aníbal Fernandez. In Buenos Aires there will be no run-off; the 39.4% that Vidal won sufficed to beat Fernández’s 35.1%.
A more detailed analysis of the region reveals that votes for Julián Domínguez, who competed against Fernandez in the Front for Victory (FPV) primaries, did not transfer completely to the other ruling-party candidate. There were also those who split their ballots and voted for Scioli as President and Vidal as Governor. Let’s Change won such key voting districts as La Plata, Mar del Plata, Quilmes, and Tres de Febrero, among others. Vidal not only won, but also helped Macri better position himself for the run-off.
On Aug. 9t in Buenos Aires, it poured rain and there were many who could not get out to vote. Last Sunday’s election produced two million additional votes. With a participation of more than 80% of the total number of registered voters, almost all the candidates received more votes than before. Nonetheless, Macri managed to reduce the lead of 8.5% that Scioli, the current Governor of the Buenos Aires Province, had over him in the primaries to only 2.5 points. From one election to the other, Macri drew an additional 1,600,000 votes, Sergio Massa 600,000, and Scioli only 280,000.
Although all the candidates increased their votes, the distance between the three leading forces, instead of lengthening, grew smaller. The FPV could not maintain its 38.7% and fell by 2 points. Let’s Change grew almost 5 points (from 30.12% to 34.4%) and the Massa’s Reformist Front (Frente Renovador) held steady (from 20.57% to 21.3%).
Real Power
There weren’t just elections for president and vice-president on Oct. 25; the country also voted for 11 new governors, 43 Mercosur parliamentarians, 24 senators, and 130 seats in the House of Representatives were elected.
In the House of Representatives, the FPV Party lost 24 seats to Let’s Change. The ruling party will still be the largest minority (107 representatives), as compared to Macrismo’s 93. Neither, by itself, can manage an absolute majority. The Massa bloc, which had a great election in the Buenos Aires Province in 2013, will hold 31 seats. The FPV was able to maintain a majority in the Senate with a noteworthy total of 45 seats; Let’s Change garnered 15, and Massa’s group has veto power.
What is left to contest in the November 22 elections are the 8,000,000 votes distributed among the 22.3% who voted for Massa, the Trotskyist left that supported Nicolás del Caño (3.2%), Margarita Stolbizer (2.5%) of the Progressives, and the ex-governor of San Luis, the also Peronist Adolfo Rodríguez Saá (1.6%).
The left has already initiated a blank-vote campaign. Rodríguez Saá is holding his tongue for now. Stolbizer is talking about change, and Massa has already said he does not want Scioli to win.
No one owns the votes, but everything indicates that, despite the ruling party’s technical victory in the first round, it will be hard for them to expand. While the PRO is wearing a victory halo despite coming in second, for now the news for Scioli’s supporters is grim.
13 Friday Nov 2015
Posted in International, Left politics
Final political document of the National Political Committee of 7/8 November 2015
The National Political Committee reiterated the need to continue on the path of revival of political activity of the Italian Communist Refoundation Party and the construction of a left and anti-neoliberal alternative to the Democratic Party and the government Renzi.
The revival and strengthening of the party, from recovery pride and sense of belonging to the Communist Refoundation and the role it has played and plays “towards obstinate and contrary”, has nothing to conservative nor bureaucratic but stems from the awareness that there is more need than ever of the contribution of Communists and Communists to oppose global capitalism, the growth of inequality, the emptying of the social gains and democratic, the spread of wars, xenophobia, racism.
The major difficulties encountered in recent years there have folded, and in recent months we have registered positive signs of vitality and recovery. This tell us about the extraordinary result of the campaign of 2 per thousand combined to the excellent result of the Feasts of Liberation, and in particular of the national one, which are a strong encouragement to generalize in all areas and at all levels the commitment to revival of the party in terms of organization, processing, training and social roots.
The National Political Committee calls on all party structures maximum effort and maximum mobilization in the campaign ” The money is there “, with ‘ target of making socially and politically perceived the PRC on that content and those buzzwords. It is a long-term campaign, which does not end in a few weeks, or it comes to making recognizable our political proposal, at least as it was the 35-hour, on the social level.
We must be clear that the party reveals that the crisis , whose dramatic effects visited upon the working classes, it is not given by scarcity, but it is a crisis of excess production capacity, to an unprecedented concentration of wealth and power in a few hands. Explain that “The money is there” means counter the hegemony of the causes of the crisis that has been imposed as common sense and dominant narrative, and at the same time concrete proposals that speak to the condition of our social subjects of reference. Exit from the policies of austerity and sacrifice is possible, but only by challenging the neo-liberal policies pursued by the EU and Italian governments.
The building, of a political and social that make us recognizable and identifiable as participation and ‘internità movements and struggles, he must go hand in hand with continued revival also organization of our party. In recent months, in implementation of the last Conference Organization, we have taken the first steps forward since the establishment of the office organization that has taken a systematic reorganization and verification in connection with the regional and provincial party following objectives defined in the document “We share” approved by management last September. We are aware that many still are the steps to building a party with the tasks and the project of Communist Refoundation.
There are, today, the conditions to relaunch also on the accession to the party and the membership: this year has been achieved the goal of distributing 20,000 cards paid by the local structures, and on the occasion of this National Political Committee we started the distribution of cards in 2016. The goal is to close on 31 December membership in 2015 by starting immediately and with maximum momentum to the membership in 2016 with the determination to achieve a turnaround and the increase in subscribers.
Rifondazione Comunista should continue and strengthen its efforts in conflict and social struggles, and through the presence concrete and through social practices mutual grown in recent years in different territories. Our intuitions about the “social party” came today in widespread awareness of the left and represent a heritage which must be generalized and raised.
Another crucial aspect of our policy is the construction of a left and anti-neoliberal alternative to the Democratic Party to be able to answer the question alive, although fragmented, unity and effective opposition to the neoliberal policies of austerity, one question that comes to most people who continue to feel the left, but mostly from the working classes and working classes that are subject too long of a systematic attack.
The document ” We have, we launch the challenge “ , which calls for a national assembly in January 15-16-17 open, is an important step in the direction of the allegations made by the Communist Refoundation in these years, often in solitude: the forces of the left parties to move it from the document sharing exhaustion and failure of the season of the center. Our proposal to build a political unit and the plural left highly independent and alternative to the Democratic Party is beginning to become a reality. We reiterate, as we are concerned, that this plant lives regardless of the electoral law and its changes. For us, the left is an alternative to the Democratic Party because it does not agree with the policies. Do not feel like orphans of a center that produced the renzismo as the terminal phase of a long genetic mutation.
The document “We are, we launch the challenge” to be considered, therefore, as a starting point. Communist Refoundation is committed to the development of such a path in the direction of the full involvement of stakeholders and social forces, of areas as large as possible of movements and societies that daily struggle and build alternative experiences, participation and inclusiveness; the placement of the plural subject that we intend to build within the Gue and the European Left; characterization of a strong alternative to the Democratic Party. If we are aware of the articulation of positions and different sensitivities present, we are also aware of how much our political coordinates are potentially majoritarian left. The commitment of the whole party in the unification process is essential to determine a positive development and a character of radical alternative. We are convinced that this process should take a broad and popular characterization, which aims to rebuild a web of social practices that are settled in the territory after the suburbs, also to prevent the right-wing populism, reconstructions and practices that do not stop and do not act only in institutional places.
The left is reconstructed primarily on the streets, in the neighborhoods, in the workplace and everyday life.
In this sense the continuity and consistency with the policy conference of Perugia, with regard to strengthening and revitalization PRC together with the aim of building a broader left, subsidiary and alternative to the Democratic Party continues to be the compass of our political initiative.
We believe in this important transition directly involve members and party members on the outcome of our work and – in light of what happened – propose to continue, according to the coordinates choices to Congress, asking for a review of the mandate he received at the conference. In the congress of Perugia we put at the center of the knot of recognized democracy and members, stressing that our objective was to engage the body of the party in the relevant passages and not only in the conference schedule. Therefore, we propose aconsultation of members and members of the PRC .
The National Political Committee then called to express themselves in the consultation on the following text:
“Our goal is to place at the center, in continuity and in implementation of the policy established at the Congress of Perugia, the way of strengthening and revitalization of the Communist Refoundation Party and the building through a unified process, participatory and democratic, the new party of the left in Italy. This process which will see the first positive stage in the notice of the meeting of 15/17 January 2016 convened on the basis of the document “We are, we launch the challenge” should be aimed at building a unified entity and the plural of the anti-liberal left, clearly alternative to pd and placed in Europe as part of the GUE and the European Left ”
The consultation will take place in the period December 1 to 19 through the organization and holding of active local members and the members of the single circle or circles convened jointly. Federations are responsible for ensuring that all facilities are activated. You have the right to vote who has the card 2015. Using the appropriate forms provided by national sponsors – indicated by Federations – record the vote (for, against, abstentions), and blatant show of hands, and will make a report overall outcome.
Unripe
Flamini
Mainardi
Rinaldi
Document approved with 53 votes in favor. The document with the petitioner Azzolini has obtained 20 and what he had as first signatory Bellotti 3. Abstentions 4.
12 Thursday Nov 2015
Posted in Economics, International, Left politics, Opinion
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By: Amilcar Salas Orono
November 11, 2015 Petrobras reduced its investments by almost 40%, with consequences on the whole economy: if the indirect effects and total investments were no longer made by construction the negative effect reaches almost 2% of GDP are included.
With its National Congress as emblematic indicator of a crisis that still does not solve your destination, Brazil is on track to close 2015 with unmistakable signs of lack of coordination between administrative spheres – federal, state, municipal, with an average real wage in the peripheries of large cities 7% lower than last year, a global economic contraction of almost 3% of GDP and a contingent of nearly 800 thousand workers less in the labor market. An economic policy – the driven J. Levy from earlier this year – which begins to deepen own fragmentation of social interests, compared to the situation, try to solve on their own circumstances.
From a scenic point of view, it seems that reappears in Brazil one of the idiosyncratic marks its founding capitalism: the open inconsistency of the different parts of the social system, as has been discussed and debated for decades its leading intellectuals. What had been a fairly stabilized political organicidad possibility – or “class conciliation” to use a term Clasico between industry and unions, farming and scientific modernization, banks and popular consumption, etc., during the period “lulista “(also projectable to a few years of the first government of Dilma Rousseff), seems to have entered a phase of disaggregation. The positions and responses begin to be partial, disjointed, fueling an overall picture not too auspicious.
Petrobras and the economic crisis
Being the leading Latin American company, is a negligible link between the crisis of Petrobras and Brazilian GDP contraction during 2015. Compared to last year, Petrobras reduced its investments by almost 40%, with consequences on the whole economy: if indirect effects (subsidiaries, suppliers related to the oil industry, the shrinkage down general of the affected population) and total investments were no longer made by construction (not only include areas oil and gas) the negative effect reaches almost 2% of GDP. Without the measures taken were necessary, as they have warned experts on the subject, this “turn” Petrobras had a major consequence of the shrinking of the economy’s own tax collection measures “adjustment” promoted by J. Levy; It has to do with determining influence it has on the economy: in the 2010-2014 cycle, was responsible for 8.8% of investments in the country, which the company is a key factor, indispensable.
The willingness shown by the “international business community”, rating agencies and global media emblematic with regard to Brazil, Lula and Dilma even own (who chaired the Council of Petrobras since 2006) began to change precisely from the Government, in 2010, he arranged as a regulatory framework for the oil fields of pre-salt – the largest oil reserves discovered in the XXI Century compulsory presence of Petrobras as the only operator, which does not exclude the participation of other companies. From there, not only he started an international and national campaign to “reopen” the clauses (sovereign) Brazilian but began seeking to modify the management of the company, as is clear from the documents that showed the spying NSA Petrobras in 2013. The fall in international oil prices and allegations of scandal-Lava Jato – with a media overexposure permanently expanded the scope for interference on the company continued pressures replacement G . Forster, the assimilation of the output to the “financial crisis” was the eventual “spin” of the company this year, measures compacted with the arrival of new equipment to the Ministry of Economy. But the changes have not stopped there: in recent weeks have taken momentum in Congress various draft amendments on the powers and functions of Petrobras in the pre-salt fields, an issue that seems already to have more chances of that happening , as admitted a few days ago in Morocco’s own J. Levy. The meaning is the same: the “spin” Petrobras is the projection of the logic of setting Dilma Rousseff on one of the most burdensome elements of economic growth, but the most important.
The Workers Party and the logic of adjustment
This change in the investment policy of Petrobras – which last week was in response strike oil, the most important in years, with consequences for own trading internationally is key depending on the settings made in other state areas; by the economic downturn caused, you can get to jeopardize the political survival of the Workers Party itself. Some conclusions should be drawn to this point; both in relation to Petrobras, whose value is in sharp decline, and from a more general point of view, in relation to the choices made by governments in certain moments of its management, with respect to the “logic of adjustment.”
The “logic of adjustment” is difficult to manage a targeted: it becomes a certain speed in an ideological choice that permeates the rest of the set, especially if part of the core of decision-making, such as the Ministry of Economy, or of the main lever the economic growth of recent years, such as Petrobras. From that center a particular “culture fit” in the minds of those who make definition on public policies fades – and in Brazil, in recent months, has partially happened this phenomenon-that moves towards sub-national governments (just just check how arguing governors of different political sign the draft budget “dwarfed” 2016), the lexicons of corporate leaderships (some explicit, for example, in recent documents of the FIESP) and even becomes Some guidance of common sense.
In the “logic of adjustment” – that displacement ranging from the economical choice to the ideological perspective there is a spiral whose control is not always possible to manage, as favorable even Lula himself: the three draft budget 2016 discussed up the time had to be modified by progressively more negative forecasts for next year. And what is most important: as an expression of this path 2015, a social dialectic whose outlook is for greater political and cultural disintegration, is in increasing union protest, either in a completely fragmented National Congress and left in chaos or in identification microsocial processes that multiply from the minimum singularities. In other words, a year of reversal in cohesive terms regarding the progress of recent years; a step backward. Some of that open inconsistency that Brazilian sociology has long characterized in detail.