Huge increase in procurement of paddy in current Kharif Marketing Season

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Due to joint efforts of the Food Corporation of India (FCI) and State Government Agencies under the close monitoring by Government of India, there is huge increase in procurement of paddy in the current Kharif Marketing Season (KMS), which begun on 1st October, 2015. The total quantity of paddy procured in terms of rice till date is 208.10 lakh MT, which was only 157.41 lakh MT till this date during the previous KMS.

The major increase in procurement of paddy has taken place in Punjab, Haryana, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha and Uttar Pradesh. In order to ensure that FCI has enough funds to pay to the farmers towards procurement of paddy and to the State Government Agencies towards the rice supplied, Government has provided an additional funding of Rs. 10,000 crore to them in the month of January, 2016. With this additional funding, FCI has sufficient funds to meet its requirements towards expenditure including cost of procurement operations for the peak period of paddy procurement in January and February, 2016.

In all, the Government has already released a food subsidy of Rs.87,000 crore to FCI till date during the current financial year and a Ways & Means Advance of Rs.20,000 crore during the current financial year, totalling to a funding of Rs.1,07,000 crore in this fiscal, which is an all time record.

Despite 2014 and 2015 having been monsoon deficit years, due to robust procurement arrangement made by the Food Ministry and FCI, there is more than adequate foodgrain stock available with the Government under Central Pool. As on 1st January, 2016, there is 237.88 lakh MT of issuable wheat stock under Central Pool. The FCI is also stepping up open market sale of wheat at reasonable rates to check inflation and also to provide supplies to the private flour mills and trade. Similarly, on 1st January, 2016 there is a stock of 126.89 lakh MT of rice under Central Pool, which is 50.79 lakh MT more than stocking norms. This excess quantity of rice will help in meeting any contingencies arsing due to monsoon deficit or natural calamities in near future.

Consumer Price Index Numbers on Base 2012=100 for Rural, Urban and Combined for the Month of December 2015

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The Central Statistics Office (CSO), Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation has revised the Base Year of the Consumer Price Index (CPI) from 2010=100 to 2012=100 with effect from the release of indices for the month of January 2015.

  1. In this press note, the CPI (Rural, Urban, Combined) on Base 2012=100 is being released for the month of December 2015. In addition to this, Consumer Food Price Index (CFPI) for all India Rural, Urban and Combined are also being released for December 2015. Inflation rates (on point to point basis i.e. December, 2015 over December 2014), based on General Indices and CFPIs are given as follows:

Inflation rates based on CPI (General) and CFPI

Indices  December 2015 (Prov.) November 2015 (Final) December 2014 (Final)
Rural Urban Combd. Rural Urban Combd. Rural Urban Combd.
CPI (General) 6.32 4.73 5.61 5.95 4.71 5.41 4.16 4.50 4.28
CFPI 6.41 6.31 6.40 5.75 6.53 6.07 3.53 4.75 3.96

Note: Prov.  – Provisional, Combd. – Combined

  1. Provisional indices for the month of December 2015 and also the final indices for November 2015 are being released with this note for all-India and for State/UTs. All-India provisional General (all- groups), Group and Sub-group level CPI and CFPI numbers for December, 2015 for Rural, Urban and Combined are given in Annexure I. The General Indices (Provisional) for the month of December 2015 for Rural, Urban and Combined are 127.9, 124.0 and 126.1 respectively.  The CFPI for Rural, Urban and Combined for the same month are 131.2, 131.4 and 131.3 respectively. The inflation rates of important categories of items are given in Annexure II.
  2. State/UT-wise General provisional CPI numbers for Rural, Urban and Combined are given in Annexure III. Inflation rates of major States, having population more than 50 lakhs as per population Census 2011, are given in Annexure IV. State/UT–wise Group CPIs are available on the Ministry’s website (http://www.mospi.gov.in).
  3. Price data are collected from selected towns by the Field Operations Division of NSSO and from selected villages by the Department of Posts. Price data are received through web portals, maintained by the National Informatics Centre.

Next date of release:  12th February 2016 (Friday) for January 2016                    

 

Annexure I

All India Consumer Price Indices

(Base: 2012=100)

Group Code Sub-group Code Description Rural Urban Combined
Weights Nov. 15 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15 Index
(Prov.)
Weights Nov. 15 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15 Index
(Prov.)
Weights Nov. 15 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15 Index
(Prov.)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12)
1.1.01 Cereals and products 12.35 126.1 126.1 6.59 124.0 124.3 9.67 125.4 125.5
1.1.02 Meat and fish 4.38 130.6 131.1 2.73 129.8 131.7 3.61 130.3 131.3
1.1.03 Egg 0.49 121.7 123.2 0.36 121.5 127.1 0.43 121.6 124.7
1.1.04 Milk and products 7.72 129.5 129.9 5.33 128.6 128.6 6.61 129.2 129.4
1.1.05 Oils and fats 4.21 117.8 118.2 2.81 110.0 110.0 3.56 114.9 115.2
1.1.06 Fruits 2.88 132.1 131.4 2.90 123.7 120.8 2.89 128.2 126.5
1.1.07 Vegetables 7.46 155.2 145.9 4.41 164.6 149.0 6.04 158.4 147.0
1.1.08 Pulses and products 2.95 160.8 162.2 1.73 191.6 190.1 2.38 171.2 171.6
1.1.09 Sugar and Confectionery 1.70 94.5 95.3 0.97 90.8 92.7 1.36 93.3 94.4
1.1.10 Spices 3.11 128.3 128.7 1.79 137.1 138.6 2.50 131.2 132.0
1.2.11 Non-alcoholic beverages 1.37 123.1 123.3 1.13 119.8 120.2 1.26 121.7 122.0
1.1.12 Prepared meals, snacks, sweets etc. 5.56 134.2 135.2 5.54 133.7 134.2 5.55 134.0 134.7
1   Food and beverages 54.18 132.4 131.4 36.29 133.3 131.5 45.86 132.7 131.4
2   Pan, tobacco and intoxicants 3.26 132.2 133.0 1.36 137.6 138.2 2.38 133.6 134.4
3.1.01 Clothing 6.32 132.1 132.6 4.72 125.0 125.4 5.58 129.3 129.8
3.1.02 Footwear 1.04 128.2 128.5 0.85 119.3 119.5 0.95 124.5 124.8
3   Clothing and footwear 7.36 131.5 132.0 5.57 124.2 124.5 6.53 128.6 129.0
4   Housing – – – 21.67 122.9 122.4 10.07 122.9 122.4
5   Fuel and light 7.94 125.6 125.6 5.58 115.1 116.0 6.84 121.6 122.0
6.1.01 Household goods and services 3.75 125.6 126.0 3.87 121.0 121.0 3.80 123.4 123.6
6.1.02 Health 6.83 122.6 123.1 4.81 118.1 118.6 5.89 120.9 121.4
6.1.03 Transport and communication 7.60 114.0 113.9 9.73 109.3 109.3 8.59 111.5 111.5
6.1.04 Recreation and amusement 1.37 120.9 121.5 2.04 117.9 118.1 1.68 119.2 119.6
6.1.05 Education 3.46 125.8 125.6 5.62 126.6 126.6 4.46 126.3 126.2
6.1.06 Personal care and effects 4.25 114.2 114.1 3.47 113.3 113.1 3.89 113.8 113.7
6   Miscellaneous 27.26 119.6 119.8 29.53 116.6 116.7 28.32 118.1 118.3
General Index (All Groups) 100.00 128.3 127.9 100.00 124.6 124.0 100.00 126.6 126.1
Consumer Food Price Index 47.25 132.4 131.2 29.62 133.7 131.4 39.06 132.9 131.3

Note:

  1. Prov.   : Provisional
  2. –           : CPI (Rural) for housing is not compiled.
  3. The weights are indicative to show relative importance of groups and sub-groups. However, all India indices have been compiled as weighted average of State indices.

 

Annexure II

All India annual inflation rates (%) for December 2015 (Provisional)

Group Code Sub-group Code Description Rural Urban Combined
Dec. 14 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15

Index
(Prov.)

Inflation Rate
(%)
Dec. 14 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15

Index
(Prov.)

Inflation Rate
(%)
Dec. 14 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15

Index
(Prov.)

Inflation Rate
(%)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12)
1.1.01 Cereals and products 122.4 126.1 3.02 124.0 124.3 0.24 122.9 125.5 2.12
1.1.02 Meat and fish 122.4 131.1 7.11 124.7 131.7 5.61 123.2 131.3 6.57
1.1.03 Egg 121.8 123.2 1.15 126.3 127.1 0.63 123.5 124.7 0.97
1.1.04 Milk and products 124.2 129.9 4.59 124.9 128.6 2.96 124.5 129.4 3.94
1.1.05 Oils and fats 110.2 118.2 7.26 103.0 110.0 6.80 107.6 115.2 7.06
1.1.06 Fruits 128.6 131.4 2.18 122.3 120.8 -1.23 125.7 126.5 0.64
1.1.07 Vegetables 140.3 145.9 3.99 141.0 149.0 5.67 140.5 147.0 4.63
1.1.08 Pulses and products 116.3 162.2 39.47 120.1 190.1 58.28 117.6 171.6 45.92
1.1.09 Sugar and Confectionery 102.0 95.3 -6.57 97.8 92.7 -5.21 100.6 94.4 -6.16
1.1.10 Spices 116.0 128.7 10.95 125.4 138.6 10.53 119.1 132.0 10.83
1.2.11 Non-alcoholic beverages 117.3 123.3 5.12 116.1 120.2 3.53 116.8 122.0 4.45
1.1.12 Prepared meals, snacks, sweets etc. 124.8 135.2 8.33 127.6 134.2 5.17 126.1 134.7 6.82
1 Food and beverages 123.3 131.4 6.57 124.0 131.5 6.05 123.6 131.4 6.31
2 Pan, tobacco and intoxicants 121.7 133.0 9.29 126.4 138.2 9.34 123.0 134.4 9.27#
3.1.01 Clothing 123.8 132.6 7.11 120.7 125.4 3.89 122.6 129.8 5.87
3.1.02 Footwear 120.6 128.5 6.55 115.8 119.5 3.20 118.6 124.8 5.23
3 Clothing and footwear 123.3 132.0 7.06 120.0 124.5 3.75 122.0 129.0 5.74
4 Housing – – – 116.5 122.4 5.06 116.5 122.4 5.06
5 Fuel and light 117.4 125.6 6.98 113.0 116.0 2.65 115.7 122.0 5.45
6.1.01 Household goods and services 118.2 126.0 6.60 116.8 121.0 3.60 117.5 123.6 5.19
6.1.02 Health 116.2 123.1 5.94 113.2 118.6 4.77 115.1 121.4 5.47
6.1.03 Transport and communication 111.5 113.9 2.15 108.8 109.3 0.46 110.1 111.5 1.27
6.1.04 Recreation and amusement 113.3 121.5 7.24 114.3 118.1 3.32 113.9 119.6 5.00
6.1.05 Education 117.7 125.6 6.71 120.7 126.6 4.89 119.5 126.2 5.61
6.1.06 Personal care and effects 109.4 114.1 4.30 110.4 113.1 2.45 109.8 113.7 3.55
6 Miscellaneous 114.2 119.8 4.90 113.4 116.7 2.91 113.8 118.3 3.95
General Index (All Groups) 120.3 127.9 6.32 118.4 124.0 4.73 119.4 126.1 5.61
Consumer Food Price Index 123.3 131.2 6.41 123.6 131.4 6.31 123.4 131.3 6.40

 

Note:

  1. Prov.   : Provisional
  2. –           : CPI (Rural) for housing is not compiled.
  3. #          : Less than those of Rural as well as Urban due to rounding.

 

Annexure III

State/UT wise General Consumer Price Indices

(Base 2012=100)

State/UT Code Name of the State/UT Rural Urban Combined
Weights Nov. 15 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15 Index
(Prov.)
Weights Nov. 15 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15 Index
(Prov.)
Weights Nov. 15 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15 Index
(Prov.)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11)
01 Jammu & Kashmir 1.14 126.5 125.9 0.72 123.2 121.9 0.94 125.3 124.5
02 Himachal Pradesh 1.03 127.3 126.3 0.26 119.5 118.9 0.67 125.9 125.0
03 Punjab 3.31 123.7 122.8 3.09 123.4 121.4 3.21 123.6 122.2
04 Chandigarh 0.02 131.6 131.3 0.34 121.2 120.9 0.17 121.8 121.5
05 Uttarakhand 1.06 123.2 122.8 0.73 119.8 117.7 0.91 121.9 120.9
06 Haryana 3.30 124.9 124.1 3.35 121.4 120.5 3.32 123.3 122.4
07 Delhi 0.28 122.5 121.1 5.64 124.7 122.5 2.77 124.6 122.4
08 Rajasthan 6.63 128.9 128.2 4.23 125.1 124.7 5.51 127.5 127.0
09 Uttar Pradesh 14.83 127.2 126.2 9.54 125.3 124.6 12.37 126.5 125.6
10 Bihar 8.21 130.9 130.0 1.62 124.9 124.1 5.14 130.0 129.1
11 Sikkim 0.06 124.2 125.9 0.03 127.2 127.1 0.05 125.2 126.3
12 Arunachal Pradesh 0.14 132.7 131.7 0.06 — — 0.10 — —
13 Nagaland 0.14 136.0 137.7 0.12 124.5 124.7 0.13 131.1 132.2
14 Manipur 0.23 115.7 115.6 0.12 121.3 120.7 0.18 117.5 117.2
15 Mizoram 0.07 132.3 134.5 0.13 123.4 123.2 0.10 126.9 127.6
16 Tripura 0.35 132.8 132.9 0.14 133.5 133.2 0.25 133.0 133.0
17 Meghalaya 0.28 139.6 139.5 0.15 122.0 121.1 0.22 134.1 133.8
18 Assam 2.63 127.2 126.1 0.79 125.1 123.8 1.77 126.8 125.6
19 West Bengal 6.99 125.6 125.5 7.20 123.7 123.0 7.09 124.7 124.3
20 Jharkhand 1.96 129.6 129.2 1.39 122.9 121.7 1.69 127.0 126.3
21 Odisha 2.93 133.9 132.6 1.31 123.9 123.0 2.18 131.1 129.9
22 Chhattisgarh 1.68 137.7 134.8 1.22 124.8 122.8 1.46 132.7 130.2
23 Madhya Pradesh 4.93 126.3 126.1 3.97 125.2 124.1 4.48 125.8 125.3
24 Gujarat 4.54 128.7 128.5 6.82 122.0 121.0 5.60 124.9 124.3
25 Daman & Diu 0.02 140.9 141.9 0.02 125.8 125.3 0.02 134.6 134.9
26 Dadra & Nagar Haveli 0.02 129.1 128.5 0.04 121.5 121.0 0.03 124.0 123.5
27 Maharashtra 8.25 128.6 128.9 18.86 121.2 120.9 13.18 123.7 123.6
28 Andhra Pradesh 5.40 131.9 132.2 3.64 128.4 128.2 4.58 130.6 130.7
29 Karnataka 5.09 131.4 131.5 6.81 130.3 130.4 5.89 130.8 130.9
30 Goa 0.14 133.6 134.7 0.25 122.4 123.3 0.19 126.7 127.7
31 Lakshadweep 0.01 129.6 128.1 0.01 113.7 113.0 0.01 121.5 120.4
32 Kerala 5.50 125.7 125.4 3.46 127.0 127.2 4.55 126.2 126.0
33 Tamil Nadu 5.55 128.5 129.3 9.20 128.6 128.9 7.25 128.6 129.1
34 Puducherry 0.08 136.2 136.0 0.27 127.6 128.5 0.17 129.8 130.4
35 Andaman & Nicobar Islands 0.05 132.4 132.0 0.07 121.4 120.7 0.06 126.8 126.3
36 Telangana 3.16 125.7 125.6 4.41 126.0 124.9 3.74 125.9 125.2
99 All India 100.00 128.3 127.9 100.00 124.6 124.0 100.00 126.6 126.1

Notes:

Prov.   :  Provisional.

—          :  indicates the receipt of price schedules is less than 80% of allocated schedules and therefore indices are not compiled.

 

 

Annexure IV

Major State/UT wise annual inflation rates (%) for December 2015 (Provisional)

(Base 2012=100)

State/UT Code Name of the State/UT Rural Urban Combined
Dec. 14 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15

Index
(Prov.)

Inflation Rate
(%)
Dec. 14 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15

Index
(Prov.)

Inflation Rate
(%)
Dec. 14 Index
(Final)
Dec. 15

Index
(Prov.)

Inflation Rate
(%)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11)
01 Jammu & Kashmir 117.1 125.9 7.51 117.2 121.9 4.01 117.1 124.5 6.32
02 Himachal Pradesh 121.7 126.3 3.78 116.0 118.9 2.50 120.7 125.0 3.56
03 Punjab 118.6 122.8 3.54 117.0 121.4 3.76 117.9 122.2 3.65
05 Uttarakhand 118.0 122.8 4.07 113.9 117.7 3.34 116.5 120.9 3.78
06 Haryana 118.0 124.1 5.17 116.3 120.5 3.61 117.2 122.4 4.44
07 Delhi 115.8 121.1 4.58 117.2 122.5 4.52 117.1 122.4 4.53
08 Rajasthan 120.6 128.2 6.30 117.4 124.7 6.22 119.5 127.0 6.28
09 Uttar Pradesh 120.0 126.2 5.17 118.2 124.6 5.41 119.4 125.6 5.19
10 Bihar 123.4 130.0 5.35 117.5 124.1 5.62 122.5 129.1 5.39
18 Assam 118.6 126.1 6.32 118.9 123.8 4.12 118.7 125.6 5.81
19 West Bengal 120.2 125.5 4.41 118.8 123.0 3.54 119.5 124.3 4.02
20 Jharkhand 119.5 129.2 8.12 117.9 121.7 3.22 118.9 126.3 6.22
21 Odisha 121.9 132.6 8.78 118.4 123.0 3.89 120.9 129.9 7.44
22 Chhattisgarh 124.1 134.8 8.62 118.4 122.8 3.72 121.9 130.2 6.81
23 Madhya Pradesh 120.2 126.1 4.91 118.6 124.1 4.64 119.5 125.3 4.85
24 Gujarat 119.3 128.5 7.71 116.6 121.0 3.77 117.8 124.3 5.52
27 Maharashtra 119.4 128.9 7.96 116.7 120.9 3.60 117.6 123.6 5.10
28 Andhra Pradesh 119.7 132.2 10.44 119.3 128.2 7.46 119.6 130.7 9.28
29 Karnataka 120.6 131.5 9.04 123.4 130.4 5.67 122.1 130.9 7.21
32 Kerala 121.5 125.4 3.21 121.4 127.2 4.78 121.5 126.0 3.70
33 Tamil Nadu 120.9 129.3 6.95 121.0 128.9 6.53 121.0 129.1 6.69
36 Telangana 117.4 125.6 6.98 119.0 124.9 4.96 118.3 125.2 5.83
99 All India 120.3 127.9 6.32 118.4 124.0 4.73 119.4 126.1 5.61

Notes:

  1. Prov.         :  Provisional.

RSS is against Science and Reason

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Prof.Irfan Habib

 

Excerpt of the interview with Irfan Habib being published on the backdrop of the recently concluded Indian Science Congress

“The Rashtriya Swayamesvak Sangh (RSS) and the Hindu Mahasabha (HMS) were never nationalists they are only communalists” said professor Irfan Habib in this interview to Teesta Setalvad of Communalism Combat. “Hence they have no heroes.” “They (the RSS and the HMS) did not in any way participate in the national movement against the British. Hence they lay claim to three, Bhagat Singh, Subhash Chandra Bose and Sardar Patel. Bhagat Singh and Bose because of their differences with Gandhi and Patel because of some differences with Nehru.”

Author / Source / Date:

Newsclick, CC & Hillele Production, January 9, 2016

The Trojan Horse of Free Basics

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Prabir Purkayastha

Facebook is running a high profile, misleading campaign, using full page advertisements, blocks of TV time, hoardings, and Facebook itself. This campaign, estimated to cost more than Rs. 400 crore, is promoting Facebook’s private, proprietary platform called “Free Basics” and calling its opponents as anti-poor. In India, Facebook has tied up with Reliance Telecommunications for offering this platform. The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) has stayed the Facebook-Reliance proposal for now, and issued a Consultation paper on whether telecom operators can offer differential rates for data while connecting to different websites. The Facebook campaign is obviously an attempt to influence this consultation.

 An unlikely alliance of activists, academicians, start-ups and techies have mounted a visible and an effective counter campaign. The Free Software Movement of India has had sit-ins, demonstrations, and various other forms of protests, particularly in Hyderabad and Bangalore. Activists have also launched popular on-line campaigns such as #SayNoToFreeBasics and #SaveTheInternet, which has generated a lot of support.

Image result for facebook

Facebook is not only vilifying all net neutrality supporters through its misleading campaign, it is also violating various provisions of Indian laws and codes. Facebook’s name of the platform – Free Basics – is an attempt to use the common meaning of the term free, basic internet and confuse the people. This is a violation of the existing advertisement codes in the country and against provisions of the Consumer Protection Act. Free Basics is a similar violation, perhaps fuelled by the belief that Facebook is anyway not answerable to Indian laws.

Facebook has consistently refused to face any legal proceedings in India, claiming to be an American company. As the Delhi High Court case brought out, it also does not pay any taxes on the huge revenue it earns in India. If Facebook really wants to participate in India’s development, its first step should be to start paying taxes here and be answerable to Indian laws. Without this, it has no locus in India’s policy making.

What is net neutrality and why is it important?

Today, the Internet has nearly a billion websites. This means that out of the 3.5 billion users of the internet, on an average, 1 out of 3.5 of such users also run websites and offer services. The internet is not just about our surfing the internet as passive consumers of websites and apps, but also very much a vehicle for us to reach out to other netizens.

The reason that the internet, has become such a powerful force for change in such a short time, is precisely because anybody can connect to anybody else anywhere in the world, not only to receive, but also to provide content. We are using content here to cover both web content or web services. All that is required, is that each side – receiving or providing content — has access to the internet. Once we have connected to the internet, there is zero cost to offer or receive content. Tim Wu, the father of net neutrality, has written that keeping the two sides of the internet free of gatekeepers has generated this huge burst of innovation.

This is what has made the internet, as a platform, so different from other mass communications platforms, such as radio and television. Essentially, it has unleashed the creativity of the masses; and it is this creativity we see in the hundreds of millions of active websites.

All this would stop if the Internet Service Providers (ISPs) or Telecom companies (Telcos) are given the right to act as gatekeepers. This is what net neutrality is all about – no ISP or Telco can decide what part of the internet or which websites we can access.

What platforms such as Facebook would like to have, is that people visit only their websites. Free Basics is a platform controlled entirely by Facebook that will offer access to Facebook, and a few other websites that are its partners. Instead of all the sites that we visit and search seamlessly today, such a platform will be an enclosed Internet – a walled garden — consisting of only Facebook and what it chooses to give us.

When Facebook claims that it is not violating net neutrality, it is providing its own definition of net neutrality. Its claim is that since it does not discriminate between any website or platform that is on its Free Basic platform, it is not violating net neutrality. The point is that the Reliance-Facebook tie-up proposes to block all sites except the few that on its Free Basics platform. Such a data service provides only a few sites out of the one billion sites that are available on the internet. If this is not a violation of net neutrality, we do not know what is!

The Department of Telecom has already accepted that net neutrality is a basic regulatory principle for the internet and network operators should not accept as gatekeepers. If we reject this principle, this will not only allow zero rating services such as Free Basics, but can also lead to other forms of discrimination. The network operators or Telcos can then demand money to speed up certain sites or slow down others.

Net neutrality wars and new cartels

The first net neutrality wars were between the telecom companies, who then had market power, as only they could provide access to their subscribers. They demanded money from websites for allowing websites to connect to their subscribers. This led internet companies and netizens combining to defeat the telecom monopolies and the acceptance that net neutrality as a principle should govern the internet. We are now seeing the second set of net neutrality wars. Big internet monopolies have discovered the virtue of freezing their competition out. They are now combining with the Telcos to form the cartels that will keep out their competition. Offering free data services for a few websites is one such strategy and known as zero rating services.

While it is claimed that Facebook is not paying any money to Reliance, there is no transparency in the private agreement that Facebook has made with Reliance.

Cartels between the telecom companies and a few global internet monopolies will lead to further concentration of economic power on the internet, marginalising innovations and most of the progressive media. Instead of the multiplicity of sites and views, the Internet would then rapidly become like cable TV platforms, with a bouquet of a few websites. This is what Facebook is attempting, carry a few hundred sites as against the 1 billion we have access to today, and call it the basic internet.

This Facebook campaign also shows us the kind of market power that Internet companies such as Facebook exercise today. Facebook has more than 125 million users in India, the second largest in the world after the US. All Facebook users in India have been given a completely distorted view of what Free Basics is, and a vicious campaign launched against all those who would like to preserve net neutrality.

The lie of a Free Basic Internet

Zuckerberg, in his full page ads that are running in various papers, claims that a whole bunch of public services such as libraries, hospitals, and schools have a similar architecture to what he is offering. A cheap version where anybody can access a limited set of free services and a more restricted version, where everything is available, but at a price.

Clearly, Zuckerberg has never seen a public library or a public hospital in his life. The biggest libraries in the world are public libraries. Public hospitals offer all services to all the people. They are structured as primary, secondary and tertiary services, so some specialised services are available only at secondary or tertiary facilities. Where there are good public health systems – unlike the US — all health services are available to all citizens. Similarly, the best educational institutions in the world are public institutions, created to offer education as public goods.

Facebook earlier offered its controversial Internet.org and which is now re-branded as Free Basics. It is claiming that it is offering a free, basic internet as the platform is called Free Basics. Who has decided what constitutes what is a free and a basic internet? Mr. Zuckerberg? What gives him the sole right to determine what we as people need? What makes him think that connecting the Indian poor to Facebook will give her education and health? What makes him believe that the internet is a substitute for schools, colleges and hospitals?

The need for cheap access for data services

Instead of accepting the Trojan horse of Free Basics, we need to create the right set of policies so that data services are cheap and easily accessible. Public money — from the Universal Service Obligation (USO) Fund — is being used to set up the most expensive part of the internet, its fibre optic backbone. The government simultaneously has to create policies that will allow free, non discriminatory internet services up to a limit for all users, and TRAI has to create the right regulatory environment for net neutrality.

There are various ways of providing free or cost effective internet to the low-end subscribers. They could be provided some free data with their data connection, or get some free time slots when the traffic on the network is low. The 2G data prices can and should be brought down drastically, as the telcos have already made their investments and recovered their costs from the subscribers.

Unfortunately, the Prime Minister hobnobbing publicly with Silicon Valley majors is unfortunate when such crucial policies are being debated in the country. Modi’s Townhall with Zuckerberg in the Facebook headquarters is perhaps one reason that Facebook feels emboldened to offer its controversial platform without any regulatory approval.

India cannot allow the internet to become a private monopoly. The danger of a private platform, instead of a public internet, is that it introduces a new kind of digital divide among the people. A large fraction of those who will join up such platforms, may come to believe that Facebook is indeed the internet. As Morozev writes (Guardian: 29 November 2015), “Digital divide”, today is “… about those who can afford not to be stuck in the data clutches of Silicon Valley – counting on public money or their own capital to pay for connectivity – and those who are too poor to resist the tempting offers of Google and Facebook.”

The British Empire was based on the control of the seas. Today, whoever controls the data oceans, controls the global economy. Silicon Valley’s data grab is the new form of colonialism we are witnessing now. This is what we have to fight, not merely as netizens but as citizens.

Author / Source / Date:

Newsclick Production, January 6, 2016

How the influence of World Bank policies damaged China’s economy

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 January 11, 2016, ,

 Present negative trends in China’s financial system and economy were accurately predicted by me three years ago as occurring if there was any influence of policies of the World Bank Report on China.

While China has made major steps forward in areas such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and New Silk Road (‘One Belt One Road’) unfortunately in some areas World Bank policies did acquire influence. As predicted they led to present negative trends.

There should also be clarity. China has the world’s strongest macroeconomic structure so these trends will not lead to a China ‘hard landing’. But they are a confirmation that no country, including China, can escape the laws of economics. As long as there is any influence of World Bank type policies, which are also advocated by Western writers such as George Magnus and Patrick Chovanec, there will be problems in China’s financial system and economy.

The article I wrote in September 2012 which was published under the original title ‘Fundamental errors of the World Bank report on China’ is republished without alteration.

* * *

The World Bank’s report China 2030 has, unsurprisingly, provoked major criticism and protest. I have read World Bank reports on China for more than 20 years and this is undoubtedly the worst. So glaring are its factual errors, and economic non-sequiturs, that it is difficult to believe it was intended as an objective analysis of China’s economy. It appears to be driven by the political objective of supporting current US policies, embodied in proposals such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

Listing merely the factual errors in the report, of both commission and omission, as well as the elementary economic howlers, would take up more column inches than are available to me. So what follows is just a small selection, leaving space to consider the possible purpose of such a strange report.

The report has no serious factual analysis of the present stage of China’s economic development. On the one hand it is behind the times and “pessimistic”, saying China may become “the world’s largest economy before 2030”. This is extremely peculiar as, by the most elementary economic calculations, (the Economist magazine now even provides a ready reckoner!) China will become the world’s largest economy before 2020.

On the other hand, the report greatly exaggerates the rate at which China will enter the highest form of value added production. As such, the report calls for various changes in China, and bases its calls on the rationale of “when a developing country reaches the technology frontier’. But China’s economy, unfortunately, is not yet approaching the international technology frontier, except in specialized defence-related areas. Even when China’s GDP equals that of the US, China’s per capita GDP, a good measure of technology’s spread across its economy, will be less than one quarter of the US’s. Even making optimistic assumptions, China’s per capita GDP will not equal the US’s until around 2040, by which time China’s economy would be more than four times the size of the US’s! Put another way, China will not reach the technology frontier, in a generalized way, for around three decades, so this rationale can’t be used to justify changes now.

The report appears to envisage China’s development path differing from that of every other country on the planet. It claims that in China “the continued accumulation of capital… will inevitably contribute less to growth”. But one of the most established trends of economic development, first outlined by Adam Smith and econometrically confirmed to the present day, is that capital’s contribution to growth increases with development. Deng Xiaoping certainly argued that economic policy must have “Chinese characteristics”, i.e. be adapted to China’s specific conditions. However, he never argued that China was exempt from economic laws, which is what this report appears to envisage!

The report makes elementary economic mistakes, such as confusing the consequences of high export shares with trade surpluses. It argues: “If China’s current export growth persists, its projected global market share could rise to 20 percent by 2030, which is almost double the peak of Japan’s global market share in the mid-1980s when it faced fierce protectionist sentiments… China’s current trajectory… could cause unmanageable trade frictions.” But if China increases its import share at the same rate as exports, this would not create major trade frictions. Japan’s problem was trade surpluses, not export share.

It is almost impossible to believe, given such elementary mistakes, that this report was intended as a serious objective analysis of China’s economy. What, then, is its goal? , The report spells out its goal clearly enough in calling for China to abandon the policies launched by Deng Xiaoping which brought such success. It says: “Reforms that launched China on its current growth trajectory were inspired by Deng Xiaoping… China has reached another turning point in its development path when a second strategic, and no less fundamental, shift is called for.”

What is this new “non-Dengite” economic policy? Deng Xiaoping’s most famous economic statement was “it doesn’t matter whether a cat is black or white provided it catches mice”. Effectively, this means, in economic terms, that a company should not be judged by whether it is private or state owned but by how it performs. The proposed new economic policy overturns Deng’s dictum by saying: “Reintroduce judging cats by colour, promote the private sector cat.”

The consequences of this are clearly seen in the report’s financial proposals. During the international financial crisis, China was protected by its state-owned banking system. The US and European privately-owned banks simultaneously created the financial crisis and were flattened by it, throwing their economies into crisis. China, however, suffered no significant setback.

The reasons for the US and European banking crisis are well understood. Modern banks are necessarily very large, both in order to undertake international operations and because of the inherent risk of large investment projects. They are literally “too large to fail”, as the failure of any large bank creates an unacceptable economic crisis. This theoretical point was rammed home by the devastating consequences of Lehman’s collapse, following which no government will allow a large bank to fail.

But a situation in which the state is blocking the bankruptcy of a large bank, whose profits are being privately retained, creates disastrous risk. If large private banks are state guaranteed against crippling losses, but retain profits, they are incentivized to undertake potentially profitable but highly risky operations. The disastrous results of this scenario were seen during the financial crisis.

Extraordinarily, this report proposes that China abandon the financial system which brought it successfully through the financial crisis and instead adopt the one which led the US and Europe to disaster. This is the real significance of “privatization would be the best way to make SFIs [State Financial Institutions] more commercially oriented”.

This ties in with US TransPacific Partnership pressure for the elimination of China’s state-owned companies, which are seen as giving China a completive advantage over the US. The US, of course, does not possess such companies. If the US is worried about the competitive disadvantage created by not having state-owned companies, it should create some, not call for China to abandon its own.

The last World Bank report of this type was published in February 1991 and its Study of the Soviet Economy provided the basis for Russia’s economic policies of the 1990s.

The result was that Russia suffered the greatest peacetime economic disaster to befall any country. GDP declined by more than half. Russian male life expectancy fell by four years and we saw the beginning of a population decline, which continues to this day. The USSR subsequently disintegrated, in what Vladimir Putin called the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century. Russia has not recovered.

This type of economic program is therefore not simply a “theoretical” model. It has been thoroughly and demonstrably discredited on account of the catastrophes it has produced. Russia was ill advised enough to adopt this type of economic program. It is to be hoped, then, that China does not follow the same course

*   *   *

John Ross is Senior Fellow at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China. 

This article is based on a post from John Ross’ blog, published on the 8th of Jan, 2016.

Weakening yuan likely to create threat to Indian apparel exporters

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YarnsandFibers News Bureau, 2016-01-12 – Ahmedabad

India has its strength in the value-added, hand-embodied, casual fashion garments consisting of small orders, whereas China has its strength in high value, basic garments. The depreciation of Yuan, if continued further, after yarn, the Indian apparel exporters would face a potential threat as both the countries have access to the common markets of US and European Union, according to Rahul Mehta, President International Apparel Federation and Clothing Manufactures’ Association of India.

Already, till December, apparel exports had been growing at a rate of 7-8% against the anticipated 13-15%. Much of the fall in exports growth rate is being attributed to decline in Indian apparel exports to markets like China, Europe and the US due to overall economic slowdown.

New textile policy await Cabinet approval

YarnsandFibers News Bureau, 2016-01-12  – New Delhi

Textiles Ministry to seek approval for the new national textile policy from Cabinet for which they will be approaching the Cabinet in 10-15 days, said Union Minister Santosh Gangwar today.

The new policy aims to achieve USD 300 billion textiles exports by 2024-25 and envisages creation of additional 35 million jobs.

The policy also aims to address concerns of adequate skilled work force, labour reforms, attract investments in the textile sector, and to provide a future road map for the textile and clothing industry.

Ministry of Textiles had initiated the process of reviewing the National Textile Policy, 2000 keeping in view the various changes in textile industry on domestic and international fronts and the need for a road map for the textile and apparel industry.

వివేకానంద స్వామికీ తప్పని కుల వివక్ష !!

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Swami Vivekananda, National Youth Day, Parliament of World's Religions

సత్య

రెండు వందల ఇరవై ఎనిమిది సంవత్సరాల క్రితం ఆమోదించిన తమ రాజ్యాంగం గురించి అమెరికన్లు ఏమనుకుంటున్నారు? పదిహేను సంవత్సరాల క్రితం జరిగిన ఒక సర్వేలో కేవలం 51శాతం మందే రాజ్యాంగానికి ఓటు వేస్తామని ప్రకటించారు. పోర్ట్రెయిట్‌ ఆఫ్‌ అమెరికా అనే సంస్ధ జరిపిన సర్వేలో 22శాతం మంది తాము వ్యతిరేకంగా ఓటు వేస్తామని చెప్పగా మరో 27శాతం ఎటూ చెప్పలేమని అన్నారు. అంతకు ముందు కమ్యూనిస్టు వ్యతిరేక ప్రచారం ముమ్మరంగా జరిగిన సమయంలో అనేక మంది తమ రాజ్యాంగంలోని అంశాలు కమ్యూనిస్టు మానిఫెస్టోలోని వని చెప్పినట్లు వార్తలు వచ్చాయి. తమ రాజ్యాంగం గురించి అమెరికన్లు ఇప్పుడే మనుకుంటున్నారు ?

హక్కుల బిల్‌ అంటే (బిల్‌ ఆఫ్‌ రైట్స్‌) స్వంత ఇల్లు కలిగి వుండే హక్కు అని ప్రతి ముగ్గురిలో ఒకరు, సమాన పనికి సమానవేతనాన్ని గ్యారంటీ చేసేదని నలుగురికి ఒకరు, ప్రభుత్వంలోని మూడు శాఖలు అని 31శాతం, ఏ ఒక్కశాఖనూ గుర్తించలేని వారు 32శాతం, 5-4గా వున్న సుప్రీం కోర్టు తీర్పులను పార్లమెంట్‌ లేదా దిగువ కోర్టుల పరిశీలనకు తిప్పిపంపటంగా 28శాతం అనుకుంటున్నారట. ఈ సర్వే గత ఆగస్టులో జరిగింది. అన్నింటి కంటే విచిత్రం ఏమంటే పదిమందిలో ఒకరు పెంపుడు జంతువును కలిగి వుండే హక్కుకు గ్యారంటీ అని భావించటం.ఇదంతా ఎందుకు చెప్పాల్సి వచ్చిందంటే రాసుకున్న రాజ్యాంగానికి భిన్నంగా పాలకులు వ్యవహరిస్తున్నపుడు, ఆచరణలో అది అమలు జరగనపుడు జనంలో ఇలాంటి అభిప్రాయాలే ప్రబలుతాయి. ఈ రోజు అమెరికాలో వాడు గాకపోతే వీడు, వీడు గాకపోతే వాడు అన్నట్లు అటు డెమోక్రాట్లు లేదా ఇటు రిపబ్లికన్లుగానీ అమెరికా రాజ్యాంగ స్ఫూర్తిని ఏడు నిలువుల లోతున పాతిపెట్టిన ఘనులు. నైతికంగా ఏమాత్రం తగనివారు.

అలాగే ఈ రోజు మన దేశంలో వివేకానందుడు ఎవరు అంటే ఆయన కూడా సంఘపరివార్‌కు చెందిన తొగాడియా, యోగి ఆదిత్యనాధ్‌, సాధ్వి రితంబరి తదితర మతోన్మాద స్వాములు, సాధువులు, సాధ్వుల కోవకు చెందిన మరో స్వామీజీ అని చెప్పే ప్రమాదం లేకపోలేదు. ఒక్కశాతం కూడా నైతిక అర్హతలేని సంఘపరివార్‌ శక్తులు ఆయన బొమ్మలను వుపయోగించుకొని వూరూ వాడా ప్రచారం చేసిన కారణంగా ఆయన కూడా వారి భావజాలపు వ్యక్తి కానట్లయితే వారెందుకు అంతగా భుజానికెత్తుకుంటారు, కనుక ఆయన గురించి పెద్దగా అధ్యయనం చేయాల్సిన అవసరం లేదని భావించేవారెందరో వున్నారంటే అతిశయోక్తికాదు. వివేకానందుడు ఒక విధంగా సంఘసంస్కర్తల పరంపరకు చెందిన వారని చెప్పవచ్చు.అందువలన ఇతర సంస్కర్తల మాదిరే ఆయనకూ పరిమితులు వుంటాయి.

వివేకానందుడు వివిధ అంశాలపై వెలిబుచ్చిన అభిప్రాయాలు చూస్తే అసహనం అందునా పరమత అసహనం కొంత మందిలో నరనరానా జీర్ణించి వున్న స్ధితిలో ఒక వేళ ఆయనే తిరిగి వచ్చి మాట్లాడితే మైనారిటీ మతాలను సంతృప్తిపరచేందుకు చూస్తున్న కాషాయం ధరించిన కుహనా హిందువు అని ట్యాగ్‌ తగిలించినా ఆశ్చర్యం లేదు. ‘ పశ్చిమ దేశాల వారు భారత్‌ నుంచి ఒక విషయం తప్పక నేర్చుకోవాలి అదేమంటే సహనం. సారం ఒకటే అయినందున అన్ని మతాలూ మంచివే.’ అని అమెరికాలోని బ్రూక్లిన్‌ ఎథికల్‌ సొసైటీ సందర్శన సందర్బంగా వివేకానందుడు చెప్పారు. క్షుద్ర పూజలు హిందూమతంలో భాగం కాదని కూడా చెప్పారు. కానీ నేడు ఎక్కడ చూసినా క్షుద్రపూజలు చేయని, చేయించని స్వామీజీలు ఎవరో చెప్పండి. ఎవరైనా చివరికి ఆ వివేకానందుడే వచ్చి అభ్యంతరం చెప్పినా ముందు గూండాలతో గెంటేయిస్తారు, సాధ్యంగాకపోతే మా మనోభావాలను దెబ్బతీస్తున్నారంటూ ఆందోళనలు చేయించి పోలీసుల చేత బయటకు నెట్టిస్తారు. భారత్‌లో మహిళలు అంతగా వున్నత స్ధాయిల్లోకి రాకపోవటానికి కారణం ఏమిటన్న ప్రశ్నకు వివిధ యుగాలలో దుర్మార్గులైన దురాక్రమణదారులు ఒక పెద్ద కారణమైతే భారతీయుల స్వయంకృతం కూడా పాక్షికంగా దానికి దోహదం చేసిందన్నారు.మహిళలను శబరిమల దేవాలయంలోకి అనుమతించకపోవటంపై సోమవారం నాడు సుప్రీం కోర్టు ఇచ్చిన తీర్పును కచ్చితంగా వివేకానందుడు హర్షించి వుండేవాడు.(మనం ఎక్కడున్నాం ! నికితా అజాద్‌కు జేజేలు !! http://vedikaa.com/2015/12/22/open-letter-to-devaswom-chief-sabrimala/) మనం స్వయం కృతంతో మహిళలపై విధించిన అర్ధంలేని ఆంక్షలలో అదొకటి. మతం ఆధారంగా తప్పించి రాజ్యాంగం ప్రకారం మహిళల ఆలయ ప్రవేశాన్ని నిషేధించజాలరని సుప్రీం కోర్టు పేర్కొన్నది. రుతుక్రమంలో వున్న మహిళలు దేవాలయ ప్రవేశం చేయకూడదని, అలా చేస్తే పవిత్రతకు భంగం అని హిందూమతం ఎక్కడ చెప్పిందన్నది ప్రశ్న.

హిందూ మత పవిత్రతను పరిరక్షించేందుకు పవిత్ర భారత భూమి నుంచి ఎవరూ బయటికి పోగూడదని, వెళ్లిన వారిపై శాస్త్రాలు ఆంక్షలు విధించినట్లు కొందరు టీకా తాత్పర్యం చెబుతున్నారు. వేల సంవత్సరాలనాడే భారత్‌ నుంచి హిందూమతం ప్రాచ్య రాజ్యాలుగా పిలిచే తూర్పు ఆసియా ప్రాంతానికి విస్తరించినట్లు మనకు తెలుసు.ఇదంతా దాదాపు రెండు వేల సంవత్సరాల పూర్వమే జరిగిందన్నది చరిత్ర. దాదాపు అన్ని దేశాలలో హిందూ దేవాలయాలు, పురాణ ఇతిహాసాలు ఏదో ఒక రూపంలో అక్కడ ఇప్పటికీ ప్రచారంలో వున్నాయి. ఇండోనేషియాలోని బాలి ద్వీపంలో వుండే జనాభాలో 90శాతం మంది హిందువులే. అక్కడ రాజ్యాంగం అధికారికంగా గుర్తించిన మతాలలో హిందూ ఒకటి. హిందూమతం పుట్టినప్పటి నుంచి నిజంగా ఈ ఆంక్షలు వుండి వుంటే సముద్రాలు దాటి అంతదూరం ఎలా వెళ్లి వుండేది?

హిందూ మతానికి సంబంధించి అనేక అంశాలు తిరోగమనంగా వున్నాయి. వాటిని వదిలించుకొని పురోగమించాలి. సాటి మనిషిని మనిషిగా గుర్తించని ఏ మతమైనా కాలగతిలో అదృశ్యం కావాల్సిందే. హిందూ మతం గొప్పతనం గురించి చికాగోలో జరిగిన ప్రపంచ మత సమావేశాలలో గొప్పగా ప్రసంగించారని కీర్తించబడుతున్న వివేకానందుడు అక్కడ ఈ మతంలోని తిరోగమన అంశాలను చెప్పి వుండుంటే పరిస్ధితులు మరొక రకంగా వుండి వుండేవి? ఆ మత ఛాందసానికి తానే గురి అవుతానని అమెరికా వెళ్లటానికి ముందు వివేకానందుడు ఊహించి వుండడు. ఆశ్చర్యంగా వుంది కదూ !!

మత నిషేధాలను వుల్లంఘించి సముద్రయానం ద్వారా విదేశీ ప్రయాణం చేసినందుకు నాటి బెంగాలీ కులీనులు ఆయనను అంటరాని వాడిగా పరిగణించారు. 1897లో అమెరికా నుంచి కొల్‌కతా తిరిగి వచ్చినపుడు ఏం జరిగిందో శైలేంద్రనాధ్‌ ధార్‌ రాసిస వివేకానందుడి జీవిత చరిత్ర వివరించింది. 1897 మార్చి 21న స్వామి 40 సంవత్సరాల పాటు నివసించిన దక్షిణేశ్వర్‌లోని కాళీ మాత ఆలయ సందర్శనకు ఖేత్రి మహారాజుతో కలసిపెద్ద పరివారంతో వచ్చాడు. ఆ సందర్బంగా జరిగిన వుదంతంపై తరువాత పత్రికల్లో పెద్ద వివాదమైంది. మహారాజులు, స్వామి వంటి పెద్దలు వచ్చినపుడు ముందుగా తెలియచేయటం, ఆలయ యజమాని బాబు త్రిలోక్యనాధ్‌ బిస్వాస్‌ స్వయంగా వచ్చి ఆహ్వానించటం అక్కడి సంప్రదాయం. ఆలయ సందర్శన వివాదంపై ది వంగాభాషీ అనే పత్రిక స్వామి, ఆయన అనుచరులను ఆలయం నుంచి బయటకు పంపించారని రాసింది. దీనిపై త్రిలోక్యనాధ్‌ స్పందిస్తూ ‘స్వామి, రాజాను ఆహ్వానించాల్సిందిగా నేను ఎవరినీ ఆదేశించలేదు, స్వయంగా రాలేదు. ఒక విదేశానికి వెళ్లి ఇంకా తనను తాను హిందువును అని చెప్పుకొనే వారితో కలవాలని ఏమాత్రం భావించలేదు, వివేకానంద, ఆయన అనుచరులు ఆలయం వదలి వెళ్లేటపుడు నాతో మాట్లాడాల్సిన అవసరం లేదని అనుచరులతో చెప్పాను. మీరు పత్రికలో రాసినట్లుగా దేవతను సాయంత్రం పునరాభిషేకం (శుద్ధి) చేసిన మాట అక్షరాలా నిజం’ అని పేర్కొన్నారు.(దళితులు ఎక్కడైనా ఆలయ ప్రవేశం చేసినపుడు తరువాత ఆలయాన్ని శుద్ధి చేస్తున్న తీరు ఇప్పటికీ జరుగుతున్నది)

ఈ వుదంతంపై రాణి రాసమణీ కుటుంబ సభ్యులొకరు ఒక పత్రికకు లేఖ రాస్తూ త్రిలోక్యనాధ్‌ ఆలయయజమానిగా చెప్పుకొనటాన్ని అభ్యంతర పెట్టారు. తానే యజమానినని త్రిలోక్య తిరుగు జవాబు ఇచ్చారు. స్వామి వ్యతిరేక పత్రికలు ఈ వివాదాన్ని ఏదో రూపంలో కొనసాగించాయి. స్వామి పాత స్నేహితులుగా వున్నవారు కూడా తరువాత కాలంలో ఆయనకు వ్యతిరేకంగా మాట్లాడారు. వారిలో ఒకరైన డాక్టర్‌ బర్రోస్‌ చికాగోలో స్వామిని సమర్ధించి కొల్‌కతా వచ్చిన తరువాత వివేకానందుడు నిజమైన హిందువు కాదని, అమెరికాలో హిందూయిజం గురించి మాట్లాడలేదని పేర్కొన్నాడు. వివేకానందుడి జీవిత చరిత్రలో ప్రస్తావించిన ఈ అంశం మంచి చెడ్డలను పక్కన పెడితే వివేకానందుడికి కూడా బహిష్కరణ తప్పలేదన్నది వాస్తవం. అయితే ఈ వివాదం, తనకు జరిగిన అవమానం, వ్యతిరేకంగా జరిగిన ప్రచారాన్ని వివేకానందుడు పెద్దగా పట్టించుకోలేదని జీవిత చరిత్ర రచయిత పేర్కొన్నారు. అందుకు దృష్టాంతంగా 1897 మే 30వ తేదీన రాసిన ఒక లేఖలోని అంశాలను పేర్కొన్నారు.’మత కర్మకాండలు శూద్రులకు వుద్దేశించినవి కావని మన శాస్త్రాలు చెప్పాయి. ఆహార విషయంలో వివక్ష, విదేశీ ప్రయాణంపై ఆంక్షలతో నాకు నిమిత్తం లేదు మరియు అవన్నీ నావరకు పనికిమాలినవి. నేను శూద్రుడిని మరియు మ్లేచ్ఛుడిని, ఈ సూత్రాల పాటింపు గురించి నేనెందుకు ఆందోళన చెందాలి? హిందూ సమాజంలోని అంటరానివారు మరియు మ్లేచ్ఛుల ఆహారం తీసుకోవటం నాకు సంబంధించిన విషయం.’ అని పేర్కొన్నారు.

వివేకానందుడిని స్వదేశంలో బహిష్కరించారంటూ డాక్టర్‌ బర్రోస్‌, మరికొందరు క్రైస్తవ మిషనరీలు విదేశాలలో కూడా చేస్తున్న ప్రచారం ఆయన దృష్టికి వచ్చింది. దాని గురించి మేరీ హేల్‌కు రాసిన లేఖలో ‘ ఒక సన్యాసిగా నాకు ఒక కులం అంటూ వుంటే కదా పోవటానికి అని ప్రశ్నిస్తూ నేను ఎలాంటి కులాన్ని పోగొట్టుకోలేదు కానీ సముద్రప్రయాణాన్ని వ్యతిరేకించేవారు నేను ఒక పశ్చిమ దేశానికి పోవటం గురించి కకావికలయ్యారు. మరోవైపు నేను సన్యాసిగా మారటానికి ముందు నా కులానికి చెందిన ఒక ప్రముఖ రాజు గారు నేను అమెరికా నుంచి వచ్చి ఆశ్రమంలో ప్రవేశించే ముందు నా గౌరవార్ధం పెద్ద విందు ఇచ్చారు. దానిలో ఆ కులానికి చెందిన పెద్ద వారందరూ వున్నారు. నేను బయట వీధులలోకి వెళ్లినపుడు శాంతి భద్రతలను కాపాడటానికి పోలీసులు అవసరమై వుండి వుంటే అది నిజంగా బహిష్కరణ అయివుండేది అని పేర్కొన్నారు.

ఇంత జరిగాక కూడా హిందూ సమాజానికి నిజమైన ప్రతినిధులుగా చెప్పుకొనే వారిలో ఎలాంటి మార్పు లేదు. ఈ కారణంగానే తరువాత అంబేద్కర్‌ వంటి వారు మనువాద హిందూ వ్యవస్ధకు వ్యతిరేకంగా పోరాడాల్సి వచ్చింది. అందువలన వివేకానందుడి జీవితంలోని అనేక అంశాలపై మరో కోణంలో విశ్లేషణ జరపాల్సి వుంది. సముద్ర ప్రయాణంపై వున్న ఆంక్షలను ఖాతరు చేయకపోవటం, దిగువతరగతి కులాలనే బడేవారితో కలసి భోజనం చేయటంలోనూ, మ్లేచ్ఛులుగా పక్కన పెట్టాలని ఆదేశించిన వారితో కలసి సభలు, సమావేశాల్లో పాల్గొనటం వంటి వాటిని ఆచరించిన వివేకానంద స్వామి సమాజంలో పురోగామి బాటలో తీసుకున్న నిర్ణయాలుగానే భావించాలి. తమను హిందువులుగా చెప్పుకున్నవారందరినీ హిందూ మతోన్మాదులుగా చూడాల్సిన అవసరం లేదు. ఆ పేరుతో వున్మాదాన్ని రెచ్చగొట్టేవారికి, ఇతరులకు వున్న తేడాను గమనించాలి. ఆ రీత్యా వివేకానంద స్వామిని మనం నిత్యం చూసే కరడు గట్టిన తిరోగమన, పరమత ద్వేషాన్ని నిత్యం నూరిపోసే విశ్వహిందూ స్వామీజీలు, సాధ్వుల సరసన పెట్టి చూడాల్సిన అవసరం లేదు.

Rashtrapati Nilayam gardens received over seventy five thousand visitors during annual opening

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The Gardens of Rashtrapati Nilayam, Bolarum, Secunderabad received more than 75000 visitors this year during its annual opening from January 3 to 10, 2016. This is the highest number of visitors since its opening for public viewing commenced in 2007.

The maximum numbers of visitors on a single day this year was 33730 on the last day of its opening i.e. January 10, 2016.

The Gardens, spread over 35 acres, include Landscaped Gardens, Herbal Gardens, NakshatraVatika, seasonal flowering plants and a display of potted plants around the main building. It also has ‘Jai Hind Ramp’ with cascading water and fruit gardens of Mango, Sapota, Pomegranate, Guava, Amla, Coconut and Cheeku.

The herbal Garden has 116 species of medicinal and aromatic plants like Sarpgandha, Kalabandha, Citronella, Lemon Grass, Khus, Geranium, Coriander, Sandalwood, Tuber rose, Jasmine, Kalmegh, Tulsi, etc. in an area of about 7000 sq. mtrs.

The NakshatraVatika includes 48 trees/plants representing 09 (nine) Navgrahas, 12 (twelve) Rashi and 27 (Twenty seven) Nakshatra(stars). Beside these, the Peepal tree, Banana tree and Bilva have been also placed in appropriate locations in the Vatika.

Procedural requirements for Leave Travel Concession simplified

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The Department of Personnel and Training has eased the difficulties faced by the Government employees in application and settlement of the Leave Travel Concession (LTC) claims.

The Department has decided to make the procedure for processing of LTC claims time bound. A time limit of 5 days each is set for sanctioning of leave, sanctioning of LTC advance, time taken by DDO and PAO and also a time limit of 10 days is set for verification of LTC claim before settlement, with an additional 2 days in case the place of posting of the Government employees is away from their Headquarters.

The Leave Sanctioning Authority to obtain a self-certification from the employee regarding the proposed LTC journey. Earlier, the employees were required to inform their Controlling Officer before the journey on LTC to be undertaken.

A copy of guidelines, that needs to be followed while availing LTC, is to be provided for the Government servant while applying for LTC.