Category Archives: Left politics

CPI(M) opposes further opening up of FDI in India

13 Friday Nov 2015

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The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) strongly condemns the announcement by the Prime Minister easing the regulations for Foreign Direct Investments in our country.  15 areas, including single brand retail, banking, construction, media, airlines, defence, banking, plantations etc., are to be opened up for approval under the automatic route.  32 new investment points will now allow FDI automatically.  The cap for approval of foreign investments has been raised to Rs. 5,000 crore from the existing Rs. 3,000 crores. The increase in the FDI to 49 per cent for news channels and radio is particularly harmful as it will facilitate near complete control of the news media by foreign media monopolies.

All these decisions have been taken on the eve of the winter session of the Parliament.  Worse they have been taken even without the Cabinet approval.  This is a complete travesty of our system of parliamentary democracy.  The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) condemns such unilateral decisions by the PM.

Clearly, these announcements have come on the eve of Prime Minister Modi’s yet another programme of foreign tours to London, G-20, Malaysia and Singapore.  PM Modi made these announcements with an aim to appease foreign capital.  Thus both India’s markets and resources are being opened up further for the maximization of profits for foreign capital.

This license to loot comes at a time when the majority of the Indian people continue to groan under newer economic burdens. Price rise of essential commodities continues unabated. The agrarian distress is deepening.  The increases in the minimum support prices are so meagre that they do not even cover the production costs.  This is accelerating the distress suicides of our farmers.

The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) calls upon PM Modi and his government to focus attention on providing relief to the vast majority of our Indian people as promised during the 2014 election campaign.

Close Election Sends Argentina to Second Round

13 Friday Nov 2015

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By Diego Gonzalez, Julia Muriel Dominzain

For the first time in Argentine history there will be a run-off election for President. The ruling party candidate Daniel Scioli and the opposition leader Mauricio Macri will face off on Nov. 22 after receiving 36.8% and 34.3%, respectively in the Oct. 25 first round.

The results surprised the candidates, the voters, the military, and the bureaucrats, and discredited the pollsters. And if the tight race was unexpected, the victory of the Macrista candidate in Buenos Aires Province was a bombshell. María Eugenia Vidal will be the next governor of the country’s most heavily populated region, with some 37% of the electorate. For the first time in 28 years, the province will now be governed by someone who does not belong to the Justicialista Party.

Debate has flared in a country that, until Sunday evening, assumed that Scioli would win, and that it was just a question of when–whether in the first or second round. The big issue, at this point, involves the 21% who voted for the third-place candidate, Sergio Massa, also a Peronist and former government official, and now a staunch member of the opposition who insists on the need for “change.”

Candidates Responses

Sunday night in Scioli headquarters the news of the discouraging numbers arrived like an unwelcome visitor. Supporters were singing with their heads bowed, looking at their mobile phones. The stage was empty, the remixed cumbia blared at an intolerable volume and was superimposed on the sound of the bass drums and the sporadic efforts of the organizations to sing a complete song.

At about 10 p.m., much earlier than anticipated, the candidate stepped out onto the stage at Luna Park and gave a speech that confirmed that the campaign was continuing: “There are at play two very different visions of Argentina’s present and future. Our priorities are the humble people, the workers, and our middle class. To those who voted in favor of a different proposal, I appeal especially to you, because for an Argentine there is nothing like another Argentine, and I believe, like Perón, that united we will all triumph.”

Near midnight the Minister of Justice Julio Alak announced the first official numbers. At that moment, with 60% of the votes counted, Macri led Scioli by almost two points. Although in the course of the evening the numbers flipped, the effect was immediate: the headquarters emptied out as if someone had pulled the fire alarm.

In the press room, the stress reached peak levels. Within a few minutes, on the mythical premises where Perón and Evita met in 1944, all warmth was drained.

“Now we go back to eating polenta and drinking bad wine,” one man shouted. Meanwhile, at Costa Salguero, the Cambiemos (Let’s Change) Party started the frenzy that went on for days. Balloons, dance steps, emotional speeches, generic words: “Let’s change,” “for change,” “to change.”

Macri’s Republican Proposal (PRO) is a young party of right-leaning business interests that was spawned by conservative thinktanks after the crisis of 2001 and grew in strength in the city of Buenos Aires. This is the first time it has gotten involved in elections.

Its campaign centers around the idea of “change.” In the Let’s Change Party, the PRO joined ranks with the Radical Civic Union and diverse Peronist sectors. The party proposed a new aesthetics, and presented itself as “the new”.

But by mid-2015 it made a discursive swerve and began to say it would guarantee continuation of many of the Kirchner measures it had previously opposed–universal Allocation per Child (unemployment insurance) and refraining from re-privatizing Aerolíneas Argentinas. It even erected a monument for Juan Domingo Perón.

Perhaps the biggest news has been that the new governor, Vidal, a technical staffer formed at the Catholic University of Argentina, won in the province over Cristina Fernández de Kirchner’s current Chief of Staff, Aníbal Fernandez. In Buenos Aires there will be no run-off; the 39.4% that Vidal won sufficed to beat Fernández’s 35.1%.

A more detailed analysis of the region reveals that votes for Julián Domínguez, who competed against Fernandez in the Front for Victory (FPV) primaries, did not transfer completely to the other ruling-party candidate.  There were also those who split their ballots and voted for Scioli as President and Vidal as Governor. Let’s Change won such key voting districts as La Plata, Mar del Plata, Quilmes, and Tres de Febrero, among others. Vidal not only won, but also helped Macri better position himself for the run-off.

On Aug. 9t in Buenos Aires, it poured rain and there were many who could not get out to vote.  Last Sunday’s election produced two million additional votes. With a participation of more than 80% of the total number of registered voters, almost all the candidates received more votes than before. Nonetheless, Macri managed to reduce the lead of 8.5% that Scioli, the current Governor of the Buenos Aires Province, had over him in the primaries to only 2.5 points. From one election to the other, Macri drew an additional 1,600,000 votes, Sergio Massa 600,000, and Scioli only 280,000.

Although all the candidates increased their votes, the distance between the three leading forces, instead of lengthening, grew smaller. The FPV could not maintain its 38.7% and fell by 2 points. Let’s Change grew almost 5 points (from 30.12% to 34.4%) and the Massa’s Reformist Front (Frente Renovador) held steady (from 20.57% to 21.3%).

Real Power

There weren’t just elections for president and vice-president on Oct. 25; the country also voted for 11 new governors, 43 Mercosur parliamentarians, 24 senators, and 130 seats in the House of Representatives were elected.

In the House of Representatives, the FPV Party lost 24 seats to Let’s Change. The ruling party will still be the largest minority (107 representatives), as compared to Macrismo’s 93. Neither, by itself, can manage an absolute majority. The Massa bloc, which had a great election in the Buenos Aires Province in 2013, will hold 31 seats. The FPV was able to maintain a majority in the Senate with a noteworthy total of 45 seats; Let’s Change garnered 15, and Massa’s group has veto power.

What is left to contest in the November 22 elections are the 8,000,000 votes distributed among the 22.3% who voted for Massa, the Trotskyist left that supported Nicolás del Caño (3.2%), Margarita Stolbizer (2.5%) of the Progressives, and the ex-governor of San Luis, the also Peronist Adolfo Rodríguez Saá (1.6%).

The left has already initiated a blank-vote campaign. Rodríguez Saá is holding his tongue for now. Stolbizer is talking about change, and Massa has already said he does not want Scioli to win.

No one owns the votes, but everything indicates that, despite the ruling party’s technical victory in the first round, it will be hard for them to expand. While the PRO is wearing a victory halo despite coming in second, for now the news for Scioli’s supporters is grim.

 

Communist Refoundation and unitary subject of the left: the document approved by the CPN

13 Friday Nov 2015

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Final political document of the National Political Committee of 7/8 November 2015 

The National Political Committee reiterated the need to continue on the path of revival of political activity of the Italian  Communist Refoundation Party and the construction of a left and anti-neoliberal alternative to the Democratic Party and the government Renzi.
The revival and strengthening of the party, from recovery pride and sense of belonging to the Communist Refoundation and the role it has played and plays “towards obstinate and contrary”, has nothing to conservative nor bureaucratic but stems from the awareness that there is more need than ever of the contribution of Communists and Communists to oppose global capitalism, the growth of inequality, the emptying of the social gains and democratic, the spread of wars, xenophobia, racism.
The major difficulties encountered in recent years there have folded, and in recent months we have registered positive signs of vitality and recovery. This tell us about the extraordinary result of the campaign of 2 per thousand combined to the excellent result of the Feasts of Liberation, and in particular of the national one, which are a strong encouragement to generalize in all areas and at all levels the commitment to revival of the party in terms of organization, processing, training and social roots.
The National Political Committee calls on all party structures maximum effort and maximum mobilization in the campaign ” The money is there “, with ‘ target of making socially and politically perceived the PRC on that content and those buzzwords. It is a long-term campaign, which does not end in a few weeks, or it comes to making recognizable our political proposal, at least as it was the 35-hour, on the social level.
We must be clear that the party reveals that the crisis , whose dramatic effects visited upon the working classes, it is not given by scarcity, but it is a crisis of excess production capacity, to an unprecedented concentration of wealth and power in a few hands. Explain that “The money is there” means counter the hegemony of the causes of the crisis that has been imposed as common sense and dominant narrative, and at the same time concrete proposals that speak to the condition of our social subjects of reference. Exit from the policies of austerity and sacrifice is possible, but only by challenging the neo-liberal policies pursued by the EU and Italian governments.
The building, of a political and social that make us recognizable and identifiable as participation and ‘internità movements and struggles, he must go hand in hand with continued revival also organization of our party. In recent months, in implementation of the last Conference Organization, we have taken the first steps forward since the establishment of the office organization that has taken a systematic reorganization and verification in connection with the regional and provincial party following objectives defined in the document “We share” approved by management last September. We are aware that many still are the steps to building a party with the tasks and the project of Communist Refoundation.
There are, today, the conditions to relaunch also on the accession to the party and the membership: this year has been achieved the goal of distributing 20,000 cards paid by the local structures, and on the occasion of this National Political Committee we started the distribution of cards in 2016. The goal is to close on 31 December membership in 2015 by starting immediately and with maximum momentum to the membership in 2016 with the determination to achieve a turnaround and the increase in subscribers.
Rifondazione Comunista should continue and strengthen its efforts in conflict and social struggles, and through the presence concrete and through social practices mutual grown in recent years in different territories. Our intuitions about the “social party” came today in widespread awareness of the left and represent a heritage which must be generalized and raised.
Another crucial aspect of our policy is the construction of a left and anti-neoliberal alternative to the Democratic Party to be able to answer the question alive, although fragmented, unity and effective opposition to the neoliberal policies of austerity, one question that comes to most people who continue to feel the left, but mostly from the working classes and working classes that are subject too long of a systematic attack.
The document ” We have, we launch the challenge “ , which calls for a national assembly in January 15-16-17 open, is an important step in the direction of the allegations made ​​by the Communist Refoundation in these years, often in solitude: the forces of the left parties to move it from the document sharing exhaustion and failure of the season of the center. Our proposal to build a political unit and the plural left highly independent and alternative to the Democratic Party is beginning to become a reality. We reiterate, as we are concerned, that this plant lives regardless of the electoral law and its changes. For us, the left is an alternative to the Democratic Party because it does not agree with the policies. Do not feel like orphans of a center that produced the renzismo as the terminal phase of a long genetic mutation.
The document “We are, we launch the challenge” to be considered, therefore, as a starting point. Communist Refoundation is committed to the development of such a path in the direction of the full involvement of stakeholders and social forces, of areas as large as possible of movements and societies that daily struggle and build alternative experiences, participation and inclusiveness; the placement of the plural subject that we intend to build within the Gue and the European Left; characterization of a strong alternative to the Democratic Party. If we are aware of the articulation of positions and different sensitivities present, we are also aware of how much our political coordinates are potentially majoritarian left. The commitment of the whole party in the unification process is essential to determine a positive development and a character of radical alternative. We are convinced that this process should take a broad and popular characterization, which aims to rebuild a web of social practices that are settled in the territory after the suburbs, also to prevent the right-wing populism, reconstructions and practices that do not stop and do not act only in institutional places.
The left is reconstructed primarily on the streets, in the neighborhoods, in the workplace and everyday life.
In this sense the continuity and consistency with the policy conference of Perugia, with regard to strengthening and revitalization PRC together with the aim of building a broader left, subsidiary and alternative to the Democratic Party continues to be the compass of our political initiative.
We believe in this important transition directly involve members and party members on the outcome of our work and – in light of what happened – propose to continue, according to the coordinates choices to Congress, asking for a review of the mandate he received at the conference. In the congress of Perugia we put at the center of the knot of recognized democracy and members, stressing that our objective was to engage the body of the party in the relevant passages and not only in the conference schedule. Therefore, we propose aconsultation of members and members of the PRC .
The National Political Committee then called to express themselves in the consultation on the following text:
“Our goal is to place at the center, in continuity and in implementation of the policy established at the Congress of Perugia, the way of strengthening and revitalization of the Communist Refoundation Party and the building through a unified process, participatory and democratic, the new party of the left in Italy. This process which will see the first positive stage in the notice of the meeting of 15/17 January 2016 convened on the basis of the document “We are, we launch the challenge” should be aimed at building a unified entity and the plural of the anti-liberal left, clearly alternative to pd and placed in Europe as part of the GUE and the European Left ”
The consultation will take place in the period December 1 to 19 through the organization and holding of active local members and the members of the single circle or circles convened jointly. Federations are responsible for ensuring that all facilities are activated. You have the right to vote who has the card 2015. Using the appropriate forms provided by national sponsors – indicated by Federations – record the vote (for, against, abstentions), and blatant show of hands, and will make a report overall outcome.

Unripe
Flamini
Mainardi
Rinaldi

Document approved with 53 votes in favor. The document with the petitioner Azzolini has obtained 20 and what he had as first signatory Bellotti 3. Abstentions 4.

 

Crisis in Brazil: Petrobras and the logic of adjustment

12 Thursday Nov 2015

Posted by in Economics, International, Left politics, Opinion

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By: Amilcar Salas Orono

November 11, 2015  Petrobras reduced its investments by almost 40%, with consequences on the whole economy: if the indirect effects and total investments were no longer made by construction the negative effect reaches almost 2% of GDP are included.

With its National Congress as emblematic indicator of a crisis that still does not solve your destination, Brazil is on track to close 2015 with unmistakable signs of lack of coordination between administrative spheres – federal, state, municipal, with an average real wage in the peripheries of large cities 7% lower than last year, a global economic contraction of almost 3% of GDP and a contingent of nearly 800 thousand workers less in the labor market. An economic policy – the driven J. Levy from earlier this year – which begins to deepen own fragmentation of social interests, compared to the situation, try to solve on their own circumstances.

From a scenic point of view, it seems that reappears in Brazil one of the idiosyncratic marks its founding capitalism: the open inconsistency of the different parts of the social system, as has been discussed and debated for decades its leading intellectuals. What had been a fairly stabilized political organicidad possibility – or “class conciliation” to use a term Clasico between industry and unions, farming and scientific modernization, banks and popular consumption, etc., during the period “lulista “(also projectable to a few years of the first government of Dilma Rousseff), seems to have entered a phase of disaggregation. The positions and responses begin to be partial, disjointed, fueling an overall picture not too auspicious.

Petrobras and the economic crisis

Being the leading Latin American company, is a negligible link between the crisis of Petrobras and Brazilian GDP contraction during 2015. Compared to last year, Petrobras reduced its investments by almost 40%, with consequences on the whole economy: if indirect effects (subsidiaries, suppliers related to the oil industry, the shrinkage down general of the affected population) and total investments were no longer made by construction (not only include areas oil and gas) the negative effect reaches almost 2% of GDP. Without the measures taken were necessary, as they have warned experts on the subject, this “turn” Petrobras had a major consequence of the shrinking of the economy’s own tax collection measures “adjustment” promoted by J. Levy; It has to do with determining influence it has on the economy: in the 2010-2014 cycle, was responsible for 8.8% of investments in the country, which the company is a key factor, indispensable.

The willingness shown by the “international business community”, rating agencies and global media emblematic with regard to Brazil, Lula and Dilma even own (who chaired the Council of Petrobras since 2006) began to change precisely from the Government, in 2010, he arranged as a regulatory framework for the oil fields of pre-salt – the largest oil reserves discovered in the XXI Century compulsory presence of Petrobras as the only operator, which does not exclude the participation of other companies. From there, not only he started an international and national campaign to “reopen” the clauses (sovereign) Brazilian but began seeking to modify the management of the company, as is clear from the documents that showed the spying NSA Petrobras in 2013. The fall in international oil prices and allegations of scandal-Lava Jato – with a media overexposure permanently expanded the scope for interference on the company continued pressures replacement G . Forster, the assimilation of the output to the “financial crisis” was the eventual “spin” of the company this year, measures compacted with the arrival of new equipment to the Ministry of Economy. But the changes have not stopped there: in recent weeks have taken momentum in Congress various draft amendments on the powers and functions of Petrobras in the pre-salt fields, an issue that seems already to have more chances of that happening , as admitted a few days ago in Morocco’s own J. Levy. The meaning is the same: the “spin” Petrobras is the projection of the logic of setting Dilma Rousseff on one of the most burdensome elements of economic growth, but the most important.

The Workers Party and the logic of adjustment

This change in the investment policy of Petrobras – which last week was in response strike oil, the most important in years, with consequences for own trading internationally is key depending on the settings made in other state areas; by the economic downturn caused, you can get to jeopardize the political survival of the Workers Party itself. Some conclusions should be drawn to this point; both in relation to Petrobras, whose value is in sharp decline, and from a more general point of view, in relation to the choices made by governments in certain moments of its management, with respect to the “logic of adjustment.”

The “logic of adjustment” is difficult to manage a targeted: it becomes a certain speed in an ideological choice that permeates the rest of the set, especially if part of the core of decision-making, such as the Ministry of Economy, or of the main lever the economic growth of recent years, such as Petrobras. From that center a particular “culture fit” in the minds of those who make definition on public policies fades – and in Brazil, in recent months, has partially happened this phenomenon-that moves towards sub-national governments (just just check how arguing governors of different political sign the draft budget “dwarfed” 2016), the lexicons of corporate leaderships (some explicit, for example, in recent documents of the FIESP) and even becomes Some guidance of common sense.

In the “logic of adjustment” – that displacement ranging from the economical choice to the ideological perspective there is a spiral whose control is not always possible to manage, as favorable even Lula himself: the three draft budget 2016 discussed up the time had to be modified by progressively more negative forecasts for next year. And what is most important: as an expression of this path 2015, a social dialectic whose outlook is for greater political and cultural disintegration, is in increasing union protest, either in a completely fragmented National Congress and left in chaos or in identification microsocial processes that multiply from the minimum singularities. In other words, a year of reversal in cohesive terms regarding the progress of recent years; a step backward. Some of that open inconsistency that Brazilian sociology has long characterized in detail.

 

My father would support Evo and Correa Maduro

12 Thursday Nov 2015

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Aleida Guevara: My father would support Evo and Correa Maduro

 

Che Guevara’s daughter said today his father “would support all movements advanced, all revolutionary movements.”

November 11, 2015

The daughter of Ernesto “Che” Guevara, said his father would support the presidents of Bolivia, Venezuela and Ecuador, as well as other people trying to give their people a better life.

The daughter of the legendary revolutionary leader, Ernesto “Che” Guevara ,  said in an interview with RT that his father “would certainly respect the decisions of Evo (Bolivia), decisions Maduro (Venezuela), the Correa (Ecuador) “.

“It was a great revolutionary and would support all men and women trying to change the reality in which they live,” said Aleida Guevara.

Similarly, he said that his father “was always a very sensitive man peoples. That is, all he cared much about the welfare of the poorest people, and then I’m pretty sure he would be very concerned about what is happening in the Arab world. I think this would be a place where he would be seeing how to help, how to be present in this regard. ”

Aleida Guevara said that Che “was always a person who respected the people in general, but despite his criticism of socialism in a given time always showed respect for the Soviet people of that time. So today I would be very concerned about the situation between Ukraine and Russia, because they are people who have grown up together, who have lived together for many years. ”

In an interview years ago, Aleida Guevara said that if Che Guevara was alive “would be supporting, helping Hugo Chavez in everything that I could.”

Guevara said that Western countries that associate Cuba with a dictatorship “have no idea what a dictatorship (…) No dictator will never worry about the education of their people. The more educated than the people, freer It is. In any dictator would think that his people have a completely free service education of the whole people “.

To conclude, Guevara said that “the Cuban reality is this: it is a people who are educated in solidarity, respect and love other people, in the capacity to give, in terms of improving the lives of other men and women. So how (Western countries) can relate this to a dictatorship? For me it’s impossible, I can not understand this. ”

Who was Che Guevara?

A 48 years of the death in combat of the revolutionary leader, Telesur highlights the most important aspects of the life of Che Guevara.A thinker, politician, physician and fighter for the interest of the poor, the son of Celia and Ernesto Guevara de la Serna, Ernesto Guevara, Che, chose a different path than many might imagine for him given their privileged economic position. It could be a lawyer, but became interested in medicine and politics. The Spanish Civil War brought him into contact with the political and social reality of the world and a journey of 500 kilometers by 4000 the poorest regions of Argentina will open their eyes to inequality. The medicine was the bridge to reach what would be his fate: to make revolution to bring about social change in Latin America. But journalism accompanied him throughout his life, even during long days of fighting in the Sierra Maestra in Cuba.

He cultivated a great love for literature and poetry, in fact, in his work as a journalist for news agencies, was always willing to let reality notes, not only politically but also in sports and culture. The necessary revolutionIn his many travels in Latin America picked up the desire for change and justice for the oppressed peoples, “This wandering through our Shift America has changed me more than I thought,” he said one of the later chronicles his second trip . Che saw injustice. He was a self-taught Marxist who fought for socialism to replace capitalism, “the duty of every revolutionary is to make revolution.” It is the icon of the left in Latin America and the world, rejecting injustice and rebellion against a system that generated and still generates deep social inequalities.  In 1955, during a trip to Mexico he met Fidel and Raul Castro brothers and enlisted as a medic in what would be the Granma expedition, leading to a guerrilla group fighting against the regime of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba.  With them he confronted the Cuban dictatorship and defeat the revolution gave the Cuban nationality, allowing them to participate until 1965 in the organization of the Cuban state, promoting major political and social reforms.   but the conviction that the armed struggle was effective, took him by countries such as the Congo and Bolivia where he supported the revolutionary movements with the idea of achieving what he had achieved in Cuba.

The indelible mark

Che is a symbol of armed struggle against imperialism, this became his political legacy by lsu influence and participation in the revolutionary movements of the world. Adverse imperialist pretensions of the United States, took Marxism and communism the elements necessary to build an identity that resulted in based on the proposition that movement was not necessary to wait until social conditions produce a popular uprising, but a small guerrilla was enough to create the conditions and trigger a popular uprising . Che was captured and executed in Bolivia clandestinely, by order of the CIA, while urging the installation of guerrilla groups in the South American country on 9 October 1969. The death was not enough to end the respect and admiration for the revolutionary leader and his role in history. Even after his death, Che and his ideas are still alive in the movements demanding a change in the power structures. Leading figures in the arts, politics and sports and various ideological currents as Jean Paul Sartre, Diego Armando Maradona, Carlos Santana, Gabriel García Márquez and the Chechen leader Shamil Basayev are part of the characters that have been identified with her figure and ideals . The advance of progressive governments in Latin America show that the example of heroism and honesty of this revolutionary has come to the youth, workers and peasants fighting to achieve a society of social justice.

 

ఇంటిదారి పట్టిన పోర్చుగీసు మితవాద ప్రభుత్వం

11 Wednesday Nov 2015

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పోర్చుగీసులో పదిరోజుల క్రితం అధికారానికి వచ్చిన మితవాద మైనారిటీ ప్రభుత్వం మంగళవారం నాడు రాజీనామా చేసింది. త్వరలో సోషలిస్టులు, కమ్యూనిస్టు పార్టీ, వామపక్ష సంకీర్ణ ప్రభుత్వ ఏర్పాటు కానుంది. మితవాద ప్రభుత్వ విధానాలను పార్లమెంట్‌ తిరస్కరించటంతో ఈ నాటకీయ పరిణామం సంభవించింది. తమ షరతులను అంగీకరించాలన్న యూరో దేశాలు ఈ పరిణామాన్ని జాగ్రత్తగా పరిశీలిస్తున్నాయి. పొదుపు చర్యలనుంచి( ప్రజలపై భారాలు, ప్రభుత్వం సేవల బాధ్యతల నుంచి వైదొలగటం) వైదొలిగితే నూతన ప్రభుత్వానికి ఇబ్బందులు తప్పవని హెచ్చరిస్తున్నాయి. ఈ పరిణామాల పూర్వరంగంలో డిసెంబరు 20న జరిగే స్పెయిన్‌ ఎన్నికల ఫలితాలు ఎలా వుంటాయన్నది ఆసక్తికరంగా మారింది. పోర్చుగల్‌లో నూతన ప్రభుత్వానిక సోషలిస్టు పార్టీ నాయకుడు ఆంటోనియో కోస్తా ప్రధానిగా నాయకత్వం వహించనున్నారు. మంగళవారం నాడు పార్లమెంట్‌లో విశ్వాస తీర్మానంపై చర్చ సందర్బంగా వెలుపల భారాల వ్యతిరేక ప్రదర్శన జరిగింది. ప్రభుత్వ రాజీనామా తమ విజయంగా వారు వర్ణించారు.

గతంలో విధించిన వేతన, పెన్షన్‌ కోతలు తదితర కార్మిక వ్యతిరేక చర్యలను వెనక్కు తీసుకోవాలని కమ్యూనిస్టు, వామపక్షాలు కోరుతున్నాయి. తాము అమలు జరిపిన పొదుపు చర్యల కారణంగా నాలుగు సంవత్సరాల నాటితో పోల్చితే దేశం మెరుగ్గా వుందని రాజీనామాచేసిన ప్రభుత్వ ఆర్ధిక మంత్రి చెప్పుకున్నారు. ప్రభుత్వ రాజీనామా గురించి గురువారం నాడు స్పీకర్‌ అధికారికంగా దేశాధ్యక్షుడికి నివేదిస్తారు. తరువాత నూతన ప్రభుత్వ ఏర్పాటుకు అధ్యక్షుడు చర్యలు తీసుకుంటారు.

Recorded 17 attacks against the Venezuelan electrical system | News | teleSUR

11 Wednesday Nov 2015

Posted by in Current Affairs, International, Left politics

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El titular de Energía Eléctrica llamó a los venezolanos a analizar la relación que tienen los constantes ataques con la cercanía de las elecciones parlamentarias, que se llevarán a cabo el próximo 6 de diciembre.

Source: Recorded 17 attacks against the Venezuelan electrical system | News | teleSUR

ఇండోనేషియా విద్యార్ధులకు బెదిరింపులు

09 Monday Nov 2015

Posted by in Left politics, Uncategorized

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1965,66 సంవత్సరాలలో ఇండోనేషియాలో నియంత సుహార్తో నాయకత్వంలో జరిగిన కమ్యూనిస్టు వూచకోతపై ఐరోపాలోని హేగ్‌ నగరంలో జరిగే ‘ప్రజాకోర్టు’కు హాజరు కావద్దని ఇండోనేషియా ప్రభుత్వం విద్యార్ధినేతలను బెదిరించింది. ఈనెల 10-13 తేదీలలో జరిగే ఈ విచారణకు హాజరైనట్లయితే విద్యార్ధులకు స్కాలర్‌షిప్పులను నిలిపివేస్తామని నెదర్లాండ్స్‌లోని ఇండోనేషియా రాయబారకార్యాలయ అధికారులు లిడెన్‌లోని ఇండోనేషియా విద్యార్ది అసోసియేషన్‌ (పిపిఐ) విద్యార్ధులను పిలిపించి బెదిరించినట్లు ప్రజాకోర్టు కమిటీ అధిపతి, మానవ హక్కుల న్యాయవాది నూర్‌సిభానీ కాట్‌జసుంగ్‌కాన్‌ తెలిపారు. యాభై సంవత్సరాల నాటి ఊచకోత గురించి విచారణ జరపటాన్ని కమ్యూనిజం పునరుద్దరణగా రాయబార కార్యాలయం పరిగణిస్తున్నదని ఆమె జకర్తా పోస్టు పత్రికతో వ్యాఖ్యానించారు. రాయబార కార్యాలయానికి స్కాలర్‌ షిప్పులను నిలిపివేసే అధికారం లేదని, దాని పని విద్యార్ధులను బెదిరించటం కాదని ఆమె ఆగ్రహం వెలిబుచ్చారు. ఇదే విధంగా హింసాకాండకు గురైన, అదృశ్యమైన వ్యక్తుల విచారణ కమిటీ అధ్యక్షుడు హారిస్‌ అజార్‌ కూడా అధికారుల చర్యను ఖండించారు. ఈ చర్య అనారిక స్వభావాన్ని వెల్లడిస్తున్నదని, ఎందుకు తమ ప్రభుత్వం ఇలా చేస్తున్నదో అర్ధం కావటం లేదని వ్యాఖ్యానించారు. ప్రస్తుతం ప్రభుత్వంలోని పోలీసు, సైన్యం లేదా ప్రభుత్వంలోని పలుకుబడిగల ఎవరో దీని వెనుక వున్నారని, వాస్తవానికి ఇప్పుడు కమ్యూనిజంతో ముప్పులేదని కొందరు వ్యాఖ్యానించారు.